|Deputy Chairspersons||Ali Al-Dailami|
|Founded||16 June 2007|
|Merger of||PDS and WASG|
Kleine Alexanderstraße 28
|Think tank||Rosa Luxemburg Foundation|
|Student wing||Die Linke.SDS|
|Youth wing||Left Youth Solid|
|Membership (September 2019)||61,055|
|European affiliation||Party of the European Left|
|European Parliament group||European United Left-Nordic Green Left|
|Colors||Red (official) |
|Ministers-president of states|
The Left (German: Die Linke, stylised as DIE LiNKE.), also commonly referred to as the Left Party (German: die Linkspartei, pronounced [di: 'lkspata] ), is a democratic socialistpolitical party in Germany. The party was founded in 2007 as the result of the merger of the Party of Democratic Socialism (PDS) and Labour and Social Justice - The Electoral Alternative (WASG). Through PDS, the party is the direct descendant of the Marxist-Leninist ruling party of the former East Germany (GDR), the Socialist Unity Party of Germany (SED).
Since 2012, The Left's co-chairpersons have been Katja Kipping and Bernd Riexinger. The party currently holds 69 seats out of 709 in the Bundestag, the federal legislature of Germany, having won 9.2% of votes cast in the 2017 federal election. Its parliamentary group is the fifth largest of six in the Bundestag, and is headed by parliamentary co-leaders Amira Mohamed Ali and Dietmar Bartsch.
The party is represented in ten of Germany's sixteen state legislatures, including all five of the eastern states. The party currently participates in governments in the states of both Berlin and Bremen, where it is a junior partner in a three-party coalition with the Social Democratic Party (SPD) and Greens, as well as in Thuringia, where it leads a coalition with the SPD and Greens, headed by Minister-President Bodo Ramelow.
The Left is a founding member of the Party of the European Left, and is the third largest party in the European United Left-Nordic Green Left (GUE/NGL) group in the European Parliament. In September 2019, The Left had 61,055 registered members, making it the sixth largest party in Germany by membership.
The party is the most left-wing party of the six represented in the Bundestag. It is described as far-left by some outlets, and is considered to be left-wing populist by some researchers, but the German Federal Office for the Protection of the Constitution (Verfassungsschutz) does not regard the party as extremist or a threat to democracy. However, it does monitor some of its internal factions, such as the Communist Platform and Socialist Left, on account of extremist tendencies, as do some states' constitutional authorities.
This section duplicates the scope of other sections, specifically, Party of Democratic Socialism (Germany)#Background.
The grassroots democracy movement that forced the dismissal of longtime East German leader Erich Honecker in 1989 also empowered a younger generation of reform politicians in East Germany's ruling Socialist Unity Party who looked to Soviet President Mikhail Gorbachev's glasnost and perestroika as their model for political change. Reformers like authors Stefan Heym and Christa Wolf and attorney Gregor Gysi, lawyer of dissidents like Robert Havemann and Rudolf Bahro, soon began to re-invent a party infamous for its rigid Marxist-Leninist orthodoxy and police-state methods.
The reformers had mostly kept their own counsel under Honecker. However, after the SED was forced to give up its monopoly of power in December, the reformers quickly took over the party. By the time of a special party conference on 16 December 1989, it was obvious that the SED was no longer a Marxist-Leninist party. During the second session the party accepted a proposal from Gysi, who had become party chairman earlier in the month, that the party adopt a new name, "Party of Democratic Socialism." Gysi felt a name change was necessary to distance the reformed party from its repressive past. The proposal came directly after a speech from Michael Schumann highlighting the injustices perpetrated under the SED, and distancing the conference from certain high-profile party leaders - notably Honecker and the country's last Communist leader, Egon Krenz. Above all Schumann's speech opened the way for the party to reinvent itself, using a phrase that was later much quoted: "We break irrevocably with Stalinism as a system!" A brief transitional period as the SED/PDS followed. By the end of 1989, the last hardline members of the party's Central Committee had either resigned or been pushed out, followed in 1990 by 95% of the SED's 2.3 million members. On 4 February 1990, the party was formally renamed the PDS. However, neo-Marxist and communist minority factions continued to exist.
By the time the party had formally renamed itself the PDS, it had expelled most of the remaining prominent Communist-era leaders from its ranks, including Honecker and Krenz. This was not enough to save the party when it faced the voters for the first time in the 1990 East German elections, the first and only free elections held in East Germany. The party was roundly defeated, winning only 66 seats in the 400-seat Volkskammer, finishing a distant third behind the East German wings of the Christian Democratic Union and the recently refounded Social Democratic Party.
After debuting at just 2.4% nationwide in the 1990 federal election post-reunification, the PDS gained popularity in the east throughout the 1990s. Gysi resigned as parliamentary leader in 2000 after losing a policy debate with leftist factions, and new leadership under Gabi Zimmer took over. In the 2002 federal election, the party's share of the vote declined to 4.0%. The PDS thus lost all its seats except two direct mandates won by Petra Pau and Gesine Lötzsch. After this debacle, Zimmer resigned; the PDS adopted a new program and installed long-time Gysi ally Lothar Bisky as chairman. In the 2004 European elections, the PDS won 6.1% of the vote, its highest share at that time in a federal election. Its base in the eastern states continued to grow until it ranked as the third strongest party there, behind the CDU and SPD. However, low membership and voter support in Germany's western states continued to plague the party.
In January 2005, a group of disaffected SPD members and trade unionists founded Labour and Social Justice - The Electoral Alternative (WASG), a left-wing party opposed to federal Chancellor Gerhard Schröder's Agenda 2010 labour and welfare reforms. The party made a modest showing of 2.2% in the North Rhine-Westphalia state election in May, but failed to win seats. The election saw the incumbent SPD government defeated in a landslide, which was widely interpreted as a sign of the federal SPD's unpopularity. Chancellor Schröder subsequently called an early federal election to be held September.
WASG continued to gain members, prompting the PDS leadership to propose an alliance between the two parties. With the established eastern base of the PDS and WASG's potential for growth in the west, the parties hoped to enter the Bundestag together. They agreed to form an electoral pact, in which they would not run against one another in the direct mandates, and would create a joint list of candidates from both parties. They also agreed to unify into a single party in 2007. To symbolise the new relationship, the PDS renamed itself the Left Party.PDS (Linkspartei.PDS). The joint list ran under the name The Left.PDS (Die Linke.PDS), though in the western states, where the PDS was viewed with suspicion for its association with the GDR, "PDS" was optional. The alliance's profile was boosted when former federal Minister of Finance Oskar Lafontaine, who had left the SPD after the North Rhine-Westphalia election, joined WASG in June. He was chosen as the party's top candidate for the federal election and shared the spotlight with Gregor Gysi of the PDS.
Polls early in the summer showed the unified Left list winning as much as 12 percent of the vote, and for a time it seemed possible the party would surge past the Greens and FDP and become the third-largest party in the Bundestag. Alarmed by the Left's unexpected rise in the polls, Germany's mainstream politicians attacked Lafontaine and Gysi as "leftist populists" and "demagogues" and accused the party of flirting with neo-Nazi voters. A gaffe from Lafontaine early in the campaign in which he described "foreign workers", a term associated with the Nazi regime, as a threat, provided ammunition for charges that the Left was attempting to exploit xenophobia and racist populism to attract voters from the far-right.
In the 2005 federal election, the Left.PDS easily passed the electoral threshold, winning 8.7% of the vote and 53 seats. It became the fourth largest party in the Bundestag. The result of the election was inconclusive; between the SPD, Greens, and Left.PDS, left-wing parties held a majority, but the SPD was unwilling to cooperate with the Left.PDS. The result was a grand coalition of the CDU and SPD.
Negotiations for a formal merger of the PDS and WASG continued through the next year until a final agreement was reached on 27 March 2007. The new party, called The Left (Die Linke), held its founding congress in Berlin on 16 June 2007. Lothar Bisky and Oskar Lafontaine were elected as co-leaders, while Gregor Gysi became leader of the party's Bundestag group.
The unified party quickly became a serious force in western Germany for the first time. The party comfortably surpassed the electoral threshold in Bremen in 2007, and throughout 2008 won seats in Lower Saxony, Hesse and Hamburg. The "five-party system" in Germany was now a reality in the west as well as the east.
A string of electoral successes followed during the "super election year" of 2009.
In the European elections, The Left won 7.5% of the vote nationwide, continuing a steady upward trend in European elections (1994: 4.7%, 1999: 5.8%, 2004: 6.1%). Six state elections were held in 2009, and in each of them the party either surged ahead or consolidated earlier gains. They saw gains in Thuringia and Hesse and won seats for the first time in Schleswig-Holstein and Saarland. Oskar Lafontaine ran as the party's lead candidate in Saarland, leading the party to a massive success with 21.3% of the vote. In Saxony and Brandenburg, The Left's vote declined slightly, but it remained the second largest party in both states.
The electoral collapse of the Social Democratic Party in the federal election on 27 September 2009 gave The Left an unprecedented opportunity. The party's vote surged to 11.9%, increasing its representation in the Bundestag from 54 to 76 seats, just under half as large as the SPD's parliamentary group.
The Left won seats in the parliament of Germany's most populous state, North Rhine-Westphalia, in May 2010. They now held seats in thirteen of Germany's sixteen states, only absent from three states in the traditionally conservative south.
In January 2010, Oskar Lafontaine announced that, due to his ongoing cancer treatment, he would not seek re-election to the party leadership at the upcoming party congress. At the congress in May, Lothar Bisky also chose not to nominate for re-election; Klaus Ernst and Gesine Lötzsch were elected as the party's new leaders.
Just a few weeks later, the SPD and Greens invited the Left to support their candidate for the 2010 presidential election, former Federal Commissioner for the Stasi Records Joachim Gauck. They suggested that this was an opportunity for the Left to leave their communist past behind them and show unconditional support for democracy. However, the party refused to support him, highlighting his support of the War in Afghanistan and his attacks on The Left party. They also rejected the conservative Christian Wulff, favourite of Chancellor Angela Merkel. They instead put forward their own nominee, television journalist Luc Jochimsen. The red-green camp reacted with disappointment. SPD chairman Sigmar Gabriel described The Left's position as "bizarre and embarrassing," stating that he was "shocked" that the party would declare Joachim Gauck their enemy due to his investigation of GDR injustice. He claimed that the party had once again manifested itself as the successor of the SED. The SPD and Greens expected the Left to support Gauck in the decisive third round of the election; however, after Jochimsen withdrew, most of the Left's delegates abstained. Wulff was elected by an absolute majority.
The Left's fortunes began to turn in 2011. Their results stagnated in Hamburg, Saxony-Anhalt, and Mecklenburg-Vorpommern, failed to win seats in Rhineland-Palatinate and Baden-Württemberg, and suffered losses in Bremen and Berlin.
The party was isolated ahead of the March 2012 presidential election. The federal CDU/CSU-FDP government invited the SPD and Greens to agree on an all-party consensus candidate for; the Left was excluded. Those invited eventually agreed to support Joachim Gauck. The Left again refused to support him. SPD chair Sigmar Gabriel once again criticized the party, and claimed their reason for rejection was "sympathy for the German Democratic Republic." The Left put forward Beate Klarsfeld, a journalist who had investigated numerous Nazi war criminals. She received 10.2% of the delegate votes. Gauck was elected in the first round with 80.4% of votes.
At the 2012 Saarland state election, the party suffered a 5% swing against it, but nonetheless achieved its second best result in the west, second only to its 2009 result in the same state. The Left remained the third largest party. When the CDU and SPD formed a grand coalition, Oskar Lafontaine became the leader of the opposition in Saarland.
On 11 April 2012, Gesine Lötzsch resigned as party co-leader, citing medical conditions her husband was suffering. In May, The Left suffered a setback, losing its seats in the Landtags of Schleswig-Holstein and North-Rhine Westphalia.
At the party congress in June, Katja Kipping, who had served as deputy leader since 2007, was elected as co-leader with 67.1% of votes in her favour. Bernd Riexinger was elected as the other co-leader with 53.5% of votes, winning a narrow contest against Dietmar Bartsch.
The Left fared poorly in the handful of state elections held in 2013, losing their seats in Lower Saxony in January. A week before the federal election in September, they again failed to win seats in Bavaria, winning just 2.1% of the vote.
In the 2013 federal election, The Left received 8.6% of the national vote and won 64 seats, a decline from 2009. However, due to the collapse of the FDP, they moved into third place. After the formation of a second grand coalition between the CDU and SPD, The Left became the leading party of the opposition.
The party narrowly retained its seats in the Hessian state election held on the same day as the federal election.
Kipping and Riexinger were re-elected as co-leaders in May 2014.
The Left suffered a major loss in Brandenburg in 2014, losing a third of its voteshare and falling to third place. Nonetheless, it continued as a junior partner under the SPD. Though achieving only small gains in the 2014 Thuringian state election, The Left was able to negotiate a red-red-green coalition with itself at the head. Bodo Ramelow was elected Minister-President by the Landtag of Thuringia, becoming the first member of the party to serve as head of government of any German state.
The party achieved modest gains in the city-states of Hamburg and Bremen in 2015. They suffered a loss in Saxony-Anhalt reminiscent of that in Brandenburg 18 months earlier earlier, falling to third place and losing a third of their voteshare. In June, Kipping and Riexinger were again re-elected as party leaders, winning 75% and 78% respectively. In September, the Left joined government in Berlin after the 2016 state election as the second-largest member of a coalition with the SPD and Greens.
They failed to make a comeback to the Landtags of Schleswig-Holstein, North Rhine-Westphalia, and Lower Saxony, despite making gains in all three states. The party's slow decline in Saarland continued, winning 12.8%. In 2018, they defended their seats in Hesse. Kipping and Riexinger were re-elected for a third time at the party congress in 2018, winning 64.5% and 73.8% respectively.
The Left had mixed results in 2019. In the European election, they declined to 5.5%, their worst result in a national election since the party's formation. In the Bremen state election held on the same day, the party made small gains, and entered into government under the SPD and Greens. The Left suffered major losses in the Brandenburg and Saxony state elections held on 1 September, losing almost half its voteshare in each. As a result, The Left left the Brandenburg government, in which they had participated since 2009.
In October however, Bodo Ramelow led the party to its best ever result in the Thuringian state election, winning 31.0% and becoming the largest party in a state legislature for the first time, though his red-red-green government lost its majority. In February 2020, the FDP's Thomas Kemmerich was elected Minister-President with the support of AfD and the CDU, but immediately resigned due to widespread outrage. After a protracted government crisis, Ramelow was re-elected for a second term to lead a minority government.
In the 2020 Hamburg state election, the Left made small gains.
The Left aims for democratic socialism in order to overcome capitalism. As a platform for left politics in the wake of globalization, The Left includes many different factions, ranging from communists to social democrats. In March 2007, during the joint party convention of Left Party and WASG, a document outlining political principles was agreed on. The official program of the party was decided upon by an overwhelming majority at the party conference in October 2011 in Erfurt, Thuringia.
The party's fiscal policies are based on Keynesian economics, originating from the 1930s when governments responded to the Great Depression. The central bank and government should collaborate with expansionary fiscal and monetary policies in order to ameliorate business cycles, to support economic growth, and to reduce unemployment. Wage rises in the private sector should be determined through the productivity growth, the target inflation rate of the European Central Bank, and master contracts.
The party aims at increasing government spending in the areas of public investments, education, research and development, culture, and infrastructure, as well as increasing taxes for large corporations. It calls for increases in inheritance tax rates and the reinstatement of the individual "net worth" tax. The Left aims at a linear income tax progression, which would reduce the tax burden for lower incomes, while raising the middle- and top-income tax rates. The combating of tax loopholes is a perennial issue, as The Left believes that they primarily benefit people with high incomes.
The financial markets should be subject to heavier government regulation, with the goal, among others, to reduce the speculation of bonds and derivatives. The party wants to strengthen anti-trust laws and empower cooperatives to decentralise the economy. Further economic reforms shall include solidarity and more self-determination for workers, a ban on gas and oil fracking, the rejection of privatization and the introduction of a federal minimum wage, and more generally the overthrow of property and power structures in which, citing Karl Marx's aphorism, "man is a debased, enslaved, abandoned, despicable essence".
Concerning foreign policy, The Left calls for international disarmament, while ruling out any form of involvement of the Bundeswehr outside of Germany. The party calls for a replacement of NATO with a collective security system including Russia as a member country. They believe that German foreign policy should be strictly confined to the goals of civil diplomacy and cooperation, instead of confrontation.
The Left supports further debt cancellations for developing countries and increases in development aid, in collaboration with the United Nations, World Trade Organization, World Bank, and diverse bilateral treaties among countries. The party supports reform of the United Nations as long as it is aimed at a fair balance between developed and developing countries. The Left would have all American military bases within Germany, and if possible in the European Union, enacted within a binding treaty, dissolved. The Left welcomes the European process of integration, while opposing what it believes to be neoliberal policies in the European Union. The party strives for the democratisation of the EU institutions and a stronger role of the United Nations in international politics. The Left opposed both the War in Afghanistan and in Iraq, as well as the Lisbon Treaty.
The party has a mixed stance towards the Ukrainian crisis. Gregor Gysi has described Russia as "state capitalist", and the party has called the Russian annexation of Crimea and Russian invasion of eastern Ukraine "illegal". However, Gysi has noted that "older" elements of the party have a strong penchant for Russia and the Soviet Union. The party declared in May 2014 that Ukraine should not receive any kind of support from Germany as long as there are fascists inside its government. Some members of the party (like MP Andrej Hunko) are strong supporters of the Donetsk People's Republic and Lugansk People's Republic.
The party is organised into branches in each of the 16 states. The party has smaller branches on a local level, for which the corresponding state branches are responsible. These branches usually organise across a district, larger city, or (in Berlin), borough. The lowest unit of the party is the grassroots organization, which, depending on the density of membership, can include a residential area, a city or an entire district. In addition to these regional associations, there are working groups, interest groups and commissions working at the federal level, and partly at the state and district levels.
The highest organ of The Left is the Party Congress. It discusses and determines the party platform, and rules on basic political and organisational matters. The most recent Party Congress was held on 22 to 24 February 2019. It elects the party executive, the 44-member Party Executive Committee (PEC), of which ten are members of the party's leadership, the Executive Board. Since June 2018, the PEC's composition has been as follows:
|Deputy Party Chair|
|Federal Party Secretary||Jörg Schindler|
|Federal Treasurer||Harald Wolf|
|Member of the
Party Executive Committee
The Council of Elders (Ältestenrat) is an advisory body formed in December 2007. Lothar Bisky stated the Council will "focus on the development of the party, allied and international issues, the history of the left and possible consequences for the socialist program." Its current composition is as follows:
|Vice Chair||Christina Emmrich|
|Member of the
Council of Elders
The party has branches in all 16 states. As of 31 December 2018, the membership of the branches is as follows:
|State||Leader(s)||Members||% of women|
|Lower Saxony||Heidi Reichinnek
|North Rhine-Westphalia||Inge Höger
In addition to the recognised platforms, a number of smaller groups have aligned with The Left and its predecessors, such as Marx21. The Trotskyist Socialist Alternative (SAV) is another example, though the membership applications of some of its leaders, including Lucy Redler, were initially rejected. Der Funke, supporters of the International Marxist Tendency (IMT) in Germany, pursue entryist strategies in the party, while the Fourth International-affiliated International Socialist Organisation (ISO) also works inside The Left. Other left-wing groups, such as the German Communist Party (DKP), have formed local alliances with the party, but have not joined. The Association for Solidarity Perspectives (VsP) also supports the party.
The party has a youth wing (Left Youth Solid) and a student wing known as The Left.SDS. The party is also affiliated with a number of left-wing think tanks, education, and policy groups, most prominently the Rosa Luxemburg Foundation.
The PDS inherited 170,000 members from the SED in 1990, but suffered constant decline from that point until the merger with WASG. Upon its formation, The Left had 71,000 members, of which 11,500 had been WASG members. Over the next two years the party grew, reaching a peak of 78,000 in 2009, after which point numbers began to decline. In 2016, the party had 59,000 members. However, the trend reversed in 2017, and the party gained several thousand new members for a total of 62,300.
A large part of The Left's base and membership reside in the new states (the former GDR). The voting base of the PDS was limited almost entirely to the east; upon its formation, the vast majority of The Left's western membership came from WASG. However, this has been changing in recent years: while in 2005, the Left.PDS list won just 45.5% of its votes in the western states, this grew to 57.7% in 2009, and 65.4% in 2017. Despite this, on the state level, the party has been marginalised in the west since making several breakthroughs in 2007-2010. Since 2010, it has lost representation in the Landtags of Lower Saxony, North Rhine-Westphalia, and Schleswig-Holstein. Generally growing popularity in the west has also been offset by major losses in most of its eastern heartland since 2014.
Prior to the merger, the voting base of PDS was an approximate cross-section of the population, favoured somewhat by more educated voters. Since the merger, The Left has become more favoured among working-class and poorer voters, which made up the core of WASG's support. According to regular studies by the Free University of Berlin, in 2017 The Left's membership compromised around 19% blue-collar workers, 32% white-collar workers, 34% civil servants, and 16% self-employed. 46% of party members held an academic degree, and 68% were not organized in unions.
The Left's voter demographics are skewed strongly by region. In the east, Left voters and members trend much older: in 2018, 44% of the party's members in Mecklenburg-Vorpommern were 76 years or older. Meanwhile, in the west, the party membership is male-dominated, with almost three-quarters of western members being men. In recent years, the party has gained significant popularity among youth. Prior to the merger, PDS had by far the highest proportion of members over 60 years of any party, at 68%, and the lowest proportion of members under 30, at just 4%. By 2016, these numbers had fallen and risen, respectively, to 47% and 14%. The Left now has the highest proportion of members under 30 of any party; the average age of the party's members fell from 60 years in 2014 to 56 years in 2017. Between 2016 and 2018, two-thirds of the party's new members were under 35 years of age; 72% of them were from the western states, 15% from the east, and 13% from Berlin. During this period, the party's membership total in the west exceeded that of the east for the first time.
Women have been well-represented amongst elected representatives from The Left. The party's gender quota requires that at least half of the party's ruling bodies and representatives should be female. Amongst the party membership however, the proportion of women has decreased in recent years since the large majority of WASG members were male. The proportion of female members fell from 44% in the PDS in 2006 to 39% post-merger in 2007; nonetheless, the party had the highest representation of women in its membership until it was overtaken by the Greens in 2012. After the 2009 election, the party's Bundestag group was 52.6% female, second only to the Greens (57.4%). In 2013, this increased slightly to 54.7%, which was the highest of any group. Since 2017, The Left's group has been 54% female, again second to the Greens (58%).
The Federal Office for the Protection of the Constitution (Bundesamt für Verfassungsschutz, abbreviated as BfV or Verfassungsschutz) is the German federal domestic security agency, tasked with intelligence-gathering on threats concerning the democratic order, the existence and security of the federation or one of its states. This includes monitoring and reporting on suspected extremist groups and political parties. Members of The Left and groups within the party have been periodically monitored, sometimes leading to controversy. The Verfassungsschutz does not consider the party in its entirety extremist, but monitors several of its internal factions and groupings. According to the 2018 report, these are the Communist Platform, Socialist Left, working group AG Cuba Sí, the Anti-capitalist Left, Marxist Forum, and Gera Dialogue/Socalist Dialogue. The Verfassungsschutz also monitors Socialist Alternative and Marx21, which have links with the Anti-capitalist Left and Socialist Left, respectively.
As evidence of extremism in The Left, the 2007 Verfassungsschutz report cites a June 2007 statement by Lothar Bisky stating that democratic socialism remains the party's goal: "We also still discuss the change of property and power relations [...]. We question the system." However, the report notes that in practice the parliamentary party appears as to act as a "reform-oriented" left force.
In the past, The Left was under observation by all western German states; in January 2008, Saarland became the first to cease observation. As of 2008, the authorities of Baden-Württemberg, Bavaria, Hesse, and Lower Saxony considered The Left in its entirety to be extremist. In the five eastern states however, The Left is not under surveillance, as state constitutional authorities see no indication of anti-constitutional tendencies in the bulk of the party. However, Communist Platform is under observation in three eastern states.
Surveillance of party members has been a point of controversy. Bodo Ramelow, a prominent Left politician in Thuringia, was under surveillance until a court ruling in January 2008 that this was illegal. In January 2012, Der Spiegel reported that 27 of the party's 76 Bundestag members were under surveillance, as well as 11 of the party's members of various state parliaments. This included nearly the entirety of the party's Bundestag leadership, party co-leader Gesine Lötzsch and deputy leader Halina Wawzyniak, and Vice President of the Bundestag Petra Pau. Many of those under surveillance were not associated with acknowledged extremist factions of the party. This surveillance was criticised by the SPD, Greens, and FDP; federal Justice Minister Sabine Leutheusser-Schnarrenberger described it as "intolerable". In October 2013, the Federal Constitutional Court deemed the surveillance of Bundestag members unconstitutional, and Federal Minister of the Interior Thomas de Maizière subsequently declared that none of the party's Bundestag members would be placed under surveillance, even those affiliated with the factions considered extremist by the Verfassungsschutz.
Both media and political scientists have discussed whether The Left should be considered extremist in nature. Outlets including the BBC, The Guardian, Euronews and Der Spiegel have described the party as "far-left". Among academics, there is a general consensus that at least some sections of the party are extremist. However, political scientist Richard Stöss states that they make up less than ten percent of the party membership, and compete for resources among themselves. As such, there is no little risk of these groups becoming dominant and exerting major influence over the party's leadership and platform.Eckhard Jesse states that, while The Left is far more accepting of the Basic Law than parties like the National Democratic Party of Germany, the presence of its extremist factions means the party overall represents a "soft left-wing extremism".
The Left has also been characterised as left-wing populist by researchers such as Cas Mudde and Tilman Mayer. Florian Hartleb states that the party is "social-populist". According to Frank Decker, the party during the leadership of Oskar Lafontaine could be described as left-wing populist.
In 2011, Bundestag deputy and later party co-leader Katja Kipping stated that she believed The Left needed "a double strategy [of] social-ecological restructuring plus left-wing populism" to become attractive to voters. She elaborated: "Left-wing populism means targeting those who are marginalized in our society in a targeted and pointed manner."
The Left's position as the successor of the PDS and SED has made it subject to significant controversy and criticism, as well as claims that the party is sympathetic to the former GDR. On 3 October 2007, The Left's parliamentary faction walked out of the Landtag of Saxony during a German Unity Day ceremony in protest of the presence of Joachim Gauck, former Federal Commissioner for the Stasi Records, who was the keynote speaker at the event. The Left's state leader André Hahn claimed that Gauck did not deliver an "appropriate or balanced speech", arguing he had "an absolutely one-sided view of the GDR." He also criticised the lack of cross-factional agreement in the selection of the speaker. The party's actions were widely condemned, with Saxon CDU parliamentary leader Fritz Hehle calling their absence "embarrassing and insulting" and regional Greens leader Antje Hermenau stating "[The Left is] still not ready to perceive the GDR as the dictatorship that it was."
|Election year||# of constituency
|# of party list
|% of party
|# of overall seats won||+/-||Position||Government|
|State Parliament||Election year||# of
|Lower Saxony||2017||177,118||4.6 (#6)||0||6th|