Vojislav ?e?elj in 2016
|Leader of the Opposition|
3 June 2016
24 October 2000 - 22 January 2001
3 December 1997 - 24 March 1998
25 January 1993 - 1 February 1994
|Member of Parliament|
3 June 2016
24 October 2000 - 24 February 2003
25 January 1993 - 24 March 1998
|Deputy Prime Minister of Serbia|
24 March 1998 - 24 October 2000
|Born||11 October 1954|
Sarajevo, PR Bosnia and Herzegovina, FPR Yugoslavia
|Political party||SKJ (1971-81)|
Jadranka ?e?elj (1992-present)
|Alma mater||University of Sarajevo|
University of Belgrade
Vojislav ?e?elj (Serbian Cyrillic: , pronounced [jisla? e?]; born 11 October 1954) is a Serbian politician and convicted war criminal. He is the founder and president of the nationalist Serbian Radical Party (SRS). From 1998 to 2000, he was Deputy Prime Minister of Serbia.
He voluntarily surrendered to the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY) in February 2003 but his trial did not begin until November 2007. ?e?elj's trial was marred with controversy: he went on hunger strike for nearly a month until finally being allowed to represent himself, regularly insulted the judges and court prosecutors once proceedings commenced, disclosed the identities of protected witnesses and was penalized on three occasions for disrespecting the court. He did not call any witnesses in his defense.
After spending 11 years and 9 months in detention in the United Nations Detention Unit of Scheveningen during his trial, ?e?elj was permitted to temporarily return to Serbia in November 2014 to undergo cancer treatment. He led the SRS in the 2016 elections, and his party won 23 seats in the parliament.
On 31 March 2016, he was acquitted in a first-instance verdict on all counts by the ICTY. The acquittal was appealed by prosecutors from the MICT, a United Nations Security Council agency which functions as oversight program of, and successor entity to, the ICTY. On 11 April 2018, the Appeals Chamber partially reversed the first-instance verdict, finding ?e?elj guilty of crimes against humanity for his role in instigating the deportation of Croats from Hrtkovci. He was found not guilty on the remaining counts of his indictment, including all the war crimes and crimes against humanity that he was alleged to have committed in Croatia and Bosnia. ?e?elj was sentenced to 10 years in prison, but because of time already spent in ICTY custody, he was not obligated to return to prison.
Vojislav ?e?elj was born in Sarajevo, PR Bosnia-Herzegovina, FPR Yugoslavia, to Nikola ?e?elj (1925-1978) and Danica ?e?elj (née Misita; 1924-2007), Serbs from the Popovo Valley region of eastern Herzegovina. His parents wed in 1953 before moving to Sarajevo, where they lived on modest means in adapted housing at the old Sarajevo train station as his father was employed in the state-run ?TP railway company. His mother stayed at home and took care of her two children, Vojislav and his younger sister, Dragica. A relative on his mother's side was Chetnik commander Lt. Col. Veselin Misita.
?e?elj began his elementary education in September 1961 at the Vladimir Nazor Primary School before transferring to the newly built Bratstvo i Jedinstvo primary school. A successful student until the fourth grade, he increasingly grew uninterested with the curriculum, realizing the minimal effort he needed in order to achieve adequate grades. History was his favourite subject and he generally preferred social sciences to natural ones.
For his secondary education, ?e?elj enrolled at First Sarajevo Gymnasium, receiving good grades. In the summer of 1971, at age 16, he accepted an offer to join the Communist League (SKJ), which got extended to him and two other youth workers as a result of the exceptional effort shown at a youth work action in Banja Luka, organized in the wake of the 1969 earthquake. He was involved with student organizations in school as the president of the gymnasium's student union and later as the president of its youth committee. ?e?elj acted from the platform of communist ideology, as his worldview at the time was largely shaped by the works of Marx, Engels, and Lenin, which theorized on social justice and communist ethics. He also read works by Trotsky and Mao for a time.
After his second level schooling, ?e?elj enrolled at the University of Sarajevo's Faculty of Law in fall 1973. He additionally took part in student bodies becoming a vice-dean counterpart in the student organization for fifteen months. Controversy followed him again as he openly criticized Fuad Muhi?, a candidate for dean, publicly proclaiming Muhi? unfit to perform the duties of that position. Muhi? still got elected to the post. After being a tutor for freshmen, ?e?elj became a course demonstrator, holding two sets of tutorials per week, helping professors with student oral exams as well as with conference papers. In 1975, as part of a university delegation, the 21-year-old ?e?elj visited the University of Mannheim in West Germany for two weeks, which was his first trip abroad. He completed his four-year undergraduate studies in two years and eight months.
Immediately after graduating in 1976, ?e?elj wanted a job as assistant lecturer at the University of Sarajevo's Faculty of Law, however, no assistant positions were posted at the faculty for the following school year leaving him with nothing to apply for. ?e?elj saw the unusual situation as Muhi?'s personal revenge for ?e?elj's public criticism.
Realizing his minimal chances of getting hired at the Faculty of Law in Sarajevo, ?e?elj turned his attention to other faculties. While preparing his application for the Faculty of Law in Mostar (at the time organizationally transforming from a remote unit of Sarajevo's law faculty into a separate independent educational entity) where they needed assistants for courses on constitutional law, he learned of an assistant job posting at Sarajevo University's Faculty of Political Science for a course called "Political Parties and Organizations" and decided instead to apply there. He had friends, such as Zdravko Grebo, Rodoljub Marjanovi?, and Milan Tomi?, already working at the faculty as assistants, while Grebo's mother was the faculty's dean.
After learning that the 'Political Parties and Organizations' course was taught by professor Atif Purivatra, a friend and political companion of Muhi?, ?e?elj withdrew his application, fearing a rejection that would reflect badly on future vocational efforts. Through Grebo's mother, ?e?elj learned the faculty was about to establish the Department for People's Defense where many assistants would be needed. A month later, in September 1976, he was hired and began assisting lecturers on "War Theory". He held tutorials relying on classical Marxist literature such as The Civil War in France, The Eighteenth Brumaire of Louis Napoleon, Anti-Dühring, etc., as well as such works by Lenin as The State and Revolution. ?e?elj delved deeper into Trotsky's works, as well as reading Isaac Deutscher's books on Trotsky and Stalin.
In parallel, ?e?elj began postgraduate studies, enrolling in November 1976 at the University of Belgrade's Faculty of Law. Due to employment obligations in Sarajevo, he didn't move to Belgrade, but instead went there two to three times a month to attend lectures and obtain literature. He earned a master's degree in June 1978 with a masters thesis titled The Marxist Concept of an Armed People.
Also in 1978, after returning from the U.S., ?e?elj began pursuing a doctorate at the Belgrade University's Faculty of Law. After submitting his dissertation in early fall 1979, he chose specialization at the University of Greifswald in East Germany. He earned his doctorate on 26 November 1979 after successfully defending his dissertation (doctoral thesis) titled The Political Essence of Militarism and Fascism, which made him the youngest PhD holder in Yugoslavia at 25 years of age.
In December 1979 ?e?elj joined the Yugoslav People's Army to serve his mandatory military service and was stationed in Belgrade. He completed his army service in November 1980, but in the meantime he had lost his position at the University of Sarajevo's Faculty of Political Sciences.
In the early 1980s, ?e?elj began to associate more with individuals from dissident intellectual circles in Belgrade, some of whom had Serbian nationalist political leanings. He repeatedly held Muslim professors at the Faculty of Political Sciences responsible for his situation, openly criticizing his former friend Dr Atif Purivatra, as well as Hasan Su?i?, and Omer Ibrahimagi?, for having harmed his career and denouncing them as Pan-Islamists. He took his criticism to the literary journal Knji?evna re?, where he further reproached Purivatra, Su?i? and Muhamed Filipovi? for having taken part in an international conference in Madrid that focused on Muammar al-Gaddafi's Green Book. ?e?elj described the views expressed in their contributions to the conference as "pan-Islamist".
In September 1981 ?e?elj rejoined the Faculty of Political Sciences where he was asked to teach courses on international relations. The Faculty of Political Sciences, as a breeding ground for future politicians, was closely controlled and overseen by the Communist Party, and outspoken ?e?elj quickly drew the attention of party officials. He openly supported another prominent young intellectual, Nenad Kecmanovi?, who was himself embroiled in a controversy that drew criticism from some sections of the communist nomenklatura in Bosnia due to his writings in NIN magazine.
Still, the biggest controversy was raised when ?e?elj came up against faculty colleague Brano Milju?. A protege of Hamdija Pozderac and Branko Mikuli? (SR Bosnia-Herzegovina's highest and most powerful political figures at the time), Milju? was well positioned within the communist apparatus as the secretary of the Bosnia-Herzegovina Communist League's Sarajevo branch. ?e?elj dissected Milju?'s master's degree thesis and accused him of plagiarizing more than 40 pages in it from the published works by Marx and Edvard Kardelj.
?e?elj criticised the highest political echelons, particularly Pozderac who was the reviewer of Milju?'s master's degree thesis. A power struggle spilled outside the faculty and into the political institutions and corridors of power. Other faculty members and intellectuals to offer their support to ?e?elj included Boro Gojkovi?, D?emal Sokolovi?, Hidajet Repovac, Momir Zekovi? and Ina Ovadija-Musafija. The Pozderac side was stronger; ?e?elj was expelled from the Communist League on 4 December 1981.
By spring 1982, barely six months after being re-hired, his position at the Faculty of Political Sciences was in jeopardy. He ended up being demoted to the Institute for Social Research (Institut za dru?tvena istra?ivanja), an institution affiliated with the Faculty. Belgrade intellectuals, mostly writers and researchers in the social sciences, came to his defense by writing letters of protest to the government of the Socialist Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina, to the Central Committee of the League of Communists of Bosnia and Herzegovina, and to the Faculty of Political Science in Sarajevo.
He became critical of the way in which the national question was dealt with in Yugoslavia: he spoke out in favour of the use of force against Kosovo Albanians and denounced the passivity of the Serbian political leadership in handling the Kosovo crisis. In his view the Muslims of Bosnia and Herzegovina were not a nation but a religious group. He expressed his concern of seeing Bosnia and Herzegovina turn into a republic dominated by Muslims.
He began to be spied on by UDBA agents. ?e?elj's first arrest took place on 8 February 1984, the second day of the Sarajevo Olympics. He was on a train from Sarajevo heading to Belgrade when the secret police burst on board around Podlugovi station and seized some of his writings that he had in the suitcase. Among the agents handling his arrest that day was Dragan Kijac (later Republika Srpska state security chief).
In Doboj, ?e?elj was taken off the train, transferred into a police Mercedes, and transported to Belgrade where he was questioned for 27 hours before being released and informed that he would be contacted again. After getting back to Sarajevo, UDBA took him in twice more for questionings, which were handled by Ra?id Musi? and Milan Krnjaji?. According to ?e?elj, they had the transcripts of the various conversations he had with some of his closest friends in which he and his friends openly criticized subjects ranging from specific political figures and the communist regime in general, and were trying to get him to implicate them as a basis for "a group trial for ethnic balance purposes, [...] a Serbian group to persecute since they just convicted Izetbegovi?'s Muslim one."
On 20 April 1984, he was arrested at a private apartment in Belgrade among the group of 28 individuals during the lecture given by Milovan ?ilas as part of Free University, a semi-clandestine organization that gathered intellectuals critical of the communist regime. ?e?elj spent four days in prison before being released.
However, ?e?elj was a free man for barely three weeks. In mid-May 1984, Stane Dolanc, the Slovene representative in Yugoslav Presidency and longtime state security chief, gave an interview to TV Belgrade regarding ?e?elj's unpublished manuscript, Odgovori na anketu-intervjuta da se radi? in which ?e?elj calls for "reorganization of the Yugoslav federalism, SFR Yugoslavia with only four constituent republics (Serbia, Macedonia, Croatia and Slovenia), abolishing of the single-party system, and the abolishing of artificial nationalities".
Two days later, on 15 May 1984, ?e?elj was arrested again in Sarajevo. Several days after being jailed at Sarajevo's Central Prison, he began a hunger strike, which attracted the attention of the foreign press. In jail, he passed the time by reading without devoting much effort to preparing his defense at the impending trial. A few weeks later, his then wife Vesna Mudre?a gave birth to their first child - a boy named Nikola, after ?e?elj's father - however, ?e?elj refused to end the hunger strike even after being told this. Weak, frail, and with rapidly deteriorating overall health, he eventually relented on the last day of the trial, ending the strike after 48 days.
Several days later, on 9 July 1984, he was given an eight-year sentence. The verdict delivered by presiding judge Milorad Potpari? concluded that ?e?elj "acted from the anarcho-liberal and nationalist platform thereby committing the criminal act of counterrevolutionary endangerment of the social order". The single most incriminating piece of evidence cited by the court was the unpublished manuscript that the secret police found in ?e?elj's home. On appeal, the Supreme Court of SFR Yugoslavia reduced the sentence to six years, then to four, and finally two.
?e?elj served the first eight months of his sentence in Sarajevo before getting transferred to prison in Zenica in January 1985, where he was placed in quarantine and isolated from other inmates for three weeks while medical checks and general psychological observation were conducted in order to come up with a rehabilitation plan and program during his prison stay. From the start he informed the prison officials of his refusal to do any labour, reasoning that "since jailed communists didn't have to do prison labour in the pre-World War II capitalist Yugoslavia, I too, as someone espousing anti-communist ideology, refuse to do labour in a communist prison".
His conduct earned him multiple stays in solitary confinement that initially lasted two weeks but were later extended to a whole month. During his first solitary confinement stay he went on another hunger strike. A week into his strike, he was beaten by the guards in an effort to force him to stop, but he did not, lasting 16 days without food. In total, out of his fourteen months in Zenica, six and a half were spent in solitary confinement. He was released in March 1986 - two months early due to continuous pressure, protests and petitions by intellectuals throughout Yugoslavia and abroad, many of whom would later become his political opponents. Upon release from prison, ?e?elj permanently moved to Belgrade. According to John Mueller, ?e?elj "later seems to have become mentally unbalanced as the result of the torture and beatings he endured while in prison".
In 1989, ?e?elj returned to the United States where Mom?ilo ?uji?, a Chetnik leader from World War II living there in exile, bestowed on ?e?elj the title Chetnik vojvoda (Vojvoda of the Chetniks), the first since World War II, to make a "unitary Serbian state where all Serbs would live, occupying all the Serb lands". In 1998, ?uji? said that he regretted awarding the title to ?e?elj on account of his involvement with Slobodan Milo?evi?. Together with Vuk Dra?kovi? and Mirko Jovi?, ?e?elj founded the anti-communist Chetnik partySerbian National Renewal (SNO) in late 1989. In the late 1980s, ?e?elj made calls for 360,000 Albanians to be deported from Kosovo.
In March 1990, together with Dra?kovi?, he however went on to form the monarchist party Serbian Renewal Movement (SPO). that he soon left again to form the more radical Serbian Chetnik Movement (S?P). Because of its name the party was denied registration, but was merged in March 1991 with the National Radical Party (NRS) creating the Serbian Radical Party (SRS) under his presidency. He has described himself and his supporters as "not fascists, just chauvinists who hate Croats."
In the elections of December 1992, the SRS won 27 percent of the vote versus the 40 percent won by the Socialist Party of President Slobodan Milo?evi?. His relationship with Milo?evi? was amicable during the first years of the Yugoslav Wars.
?e?elj and his party were in effect Milo?evi?'s close allies who helped them orchestrate the mass layoffs of journalists in 1992, and ?e?elj publicly proclaimed their backing of Milo?evi? as late as August 1993. Vojislav ?e?elj publicly advocated creating a Greater Serbia through the ethnic cleansing of all Croats and Bosniaks.
In September 1993, however, ?e?elj and Milo?evi? came into conflict over Milo?evi?'s withdrawal of support for Republika Srpska in the Bosnian War, and Milo?evi? described ?e?elj as "the personification of violence and primitivism". ?e?elj was jailed in 1994 and 1995 for his opposition to Milo?evi?. The Serbian Radical Party subsequently became the main opposition party and criticized Slobodan Milo?evi? for corruption, ties to organized crime, nepotism, and for poor economic conditions.
In 1995, Vojislav ?e?elj wrote in the publication Velika Srbija (Greater Serbia) a memorandum that outlined the Serbianisation of Kosovo. ?e?elj called for violence and expulsion against Albanians and their leadership with aims toward discrediting them within Western public opinion.
In July 1997, ?e?elj made a guest appearance on BKTV's Tête-à-tête talk duel programme with lawyer Nikola Barovi? as the other duelist. The duel quickly degenerated into an exchange of verbal antagonism and ad hominem attacks that culminated in Barovi? throwing water from a glass in ?e?elj's face. Sometime later Barovi? was physically assaulted by ?e?elj's security detail. ?e?elj quipped that Barovi? slipped on a banana peel and tumbled down a flight of stairs.
In 1998, as violence in the Serbian province of Kosovo increased, ?e?elj joined Milo?evi?'s national unity government, siding briefly with the pro-Milo?evi? government. ?e?elj was appointed deputy president of the Serbian government in 1998. In September 1998, he objected to foreign media and human rights organizations acting in Yugoslavia, saying:
If we cannot grab all their (NATO) planes, we can grab those within our reach, like various Helsinki committees, and Quisling groups. To those who we prove have participated in the service of foreign propaganda and those are the Voice of America, Deutsche Welle, Radio Free Europe, Radio France International, and the BBC radio service etc. If we find them in the moment of aggression they shouldn't expect anything good.
During the 1999 Kosovo War and the NATO bombing of Yugoslavia, he and his political party were willing to support Milo?evi?, but after three months of bombardment they were the only party to vote against the withdrawal of FR Yugoslav security forces from Kosovo.. Vojislav ?e?elj advocated the forcible removal of all Albanians from Kosovo.
In an interview for NIN held on 4 February 2003 ?e?elj stated that he had inside information that he would be indicted by the Hague in the following weeks, and had already booked a flight to the Hague for 24 February. The initial indictment was filed on 14 February 2003.
The crimes in the indictment include, among others, that ?e?elj, both individually and as part of a "joint criminal enterprise", engaged in "the permanent forcible removal, through the commission of crimes in violation of Articles 3 and 5 of the Statute of the Tribunal, of a majority of the Croat, Muslim and other non Serb populations from approximately one-third of the territory of the Republic of Croatia ("Croatia"), and large parts of Bosnia and Herzegovina, and from parts of Vojvodina, in the Republic of Serbia ("Serbia"), in order to make these areas part of a new Serb-dominated state".
On 23 February 2003, following a "farewell meeting" held on Republic Square, ?e?elj surrendered to the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia (ICTY) on the indictment of "eight counts of crimes against humanity and six counts of violations of the laws or customs of war for his alleged participation in a joint criminal enterprise". He was transferred to the ICTY the following day.
In 2005, ?e?elj made headlines when he was asked to read a letter which he earlier sent to the ICTY that stated his contempt for the court. The letter was read in front of cameras by ?e?elj and contained insults and expletives aimed at the top ICTY officials and judges. In his letter, ?e?elj said the presiding judge has only "the right" (mocking the Hague's judges) to perform oral sex on him, and referred to Carla Del Ponte as "the prostitute".
In custody, he wrote Kriminalac i ratni zlo?inac Havijer Solana (Felon and War Criminal Javier Solana), a criticism of the NATO Secretary General (and the current High Representative for the Common Foreign and Security Policy and the Secretary-General of the Council of the European Union and the Western European Union) who led the 1999 war in Kosovo.
On 2 December 2006, around 40,000 people marched in the Serbian capital of Belgrade in support of ?e?elj during his 28-day hunger strike in The Hague after the ICTY denied him the right to choose his own defence counsel. Speaking at the rally, Radical Party secretary Aleksandar Vu?i? said "He's not fighting just for his life. But he's fighting for all of us who are gathered here. Vojislav ?e?elj is fighting for Serbia!"
?e?elj ended the hunger strike on 8 December after being allowed to present his own defence. While in custody in The Hague, ?e?elj led his party's list of contenders for the January 2007 general election.
Under the ICTY indictment, ?e?elj was charged with 15 counts of crimes against humanity and violations of the laws or customs or war. The first of these charges is for persecution of Croats, Muslims and other non-Serbs in Vukovar, ?amac, Zvornik and Vojvodina. The other charges include murder, forced deportation, illegal imprisonment, torture and property destruction during the Yugoslav wars.
?e?elj's aide, Ljubi?a Petkovi?, was found guilty by the ICTY's Trial Chamber III of contempt for refusing to appear as a Chamber's witness in ?e?elj's trial. Petkovi? was released on 26 September from the ICTY Detention Unit. He had been sentenced to four months' imprisonment, credit being given for the three months and 14 days already spent in the Detention Unit.
On 11 February 2009, after 71 witnesses had been heard and with the expected conclusion of the prosecution's case seven hours away, the presiding judges suspended ?e?elj's trial indefinitely at the request of prosecutors, who alleged that witnesses were being intimidated. ?e?elj claimed the true motive of the prosecutors was that they were losing their case. He claimed the court had presented numerous false witnesses to avoid having to acquit him and said it should pay him damages for "all the suffering and six years spent in detention".
One of the three judges voted against the suspension of the trial stating that it was "unfair to interrupt the trial of someone who has spent almost six years in detention". A contempt of court case against ?e?elj was opened for having revealed, in a book he had written, the identities of three witnesses whose names had been ordered suppressed by the tribunal, and for which he was sentenced to 15 months imprisonment by the ICTY.
On 24 July 2009, he was sentenced to 15 months in detention for disrespecting the court after publishing names of trial witnesses on his personal website.
On 25 November 2009, it was announced that ?e?elj's trial would resume on 12 January 2010. The trial resumed on schedule and continued until 17 March 2010.
On 10 March 2010, the weekly ICTY press briefing announced that ?e?elj was scheduled to appear in court on 20 April 2010 for contempt of court for allegedly disclosing court restricted information on 11 protected witnesses. This is the second time he has been charged with contempt. In July 2009 he was found guilty of contempt on similar charges involving two protected witnesses and was sentenced to fifteen months in jail.
On 17 March 2010, the weekly ICTY press briefing announced that "The trial of Vojislav ?e?elj has been adjourned until further notice, pending checks on the health status of the remaining four Chamber witnesses". In the weekly ICTY briefing on 24 March stated "The trial of Vojislav ?e?elj is expected to continue on Tuesday at 14:15 in Courtroom I with the testimony of one of the four remaining Trial Chamber witnesses". On 14 April 2010, the weekly ICTY press briefing announced that with only one witness still to be heard, on 30 March 2010 ?e?elj trial was adjourned until further notice but was likely to resume in May 2010, after ?e?elj's second contempt proceeding initiated against him by the Tribunal have ended.
Prosecutors demanded a 28-year sentence against ?e?elj for allegedly recruiting paramilitary groups and inciting them to commit atrocities during the Balkan wars of the early 1990s. In closing remarks at his war crimes trial on 14 March 2012, ?e?elj said the Yugoslav tribunal empowered by the U.N. Security Council is actually a creation of Western intelligence agencies and it doesn't have jurisdiction in his case. He reportedly vowed "to make a mockery of his trial".
In September 2011, the ICTY rejected ?e?elj's bid to have his long-running trial discontinued. In his submission to the court, ?e?elj had argued that his right to be tried in a reasonable amount of time has been violated, and called the situation "incomprehensible, scandalous and inappropriate". However, the bench ruled that "there is no predetermined threshold with regard to the time period beyond which a trial may be considered unfair on account of undue delay" and declared that ?e?elj "failed to provide concrete proof of abuse of process".
?e?elj returned to Belgrade after spending more than 11 years on what proved to be an inconclusive trial at the Hague.
On 31 March 2016, one week after the conviction of Bosnian Serb leader Radovan Karad?i?, the ICTY found ?e?elj not guilty on all charges, with a majority decision on eight counts and a unanimous decision on one.
His acquittal was described by The Economist as "a victory for advocates of ethnic cleansing" which would have "broad ramifications for international justice." In other quarters, however, the ICTY case against ?e?elj was seen as inherently flawed and politicized from the beginning.
The acquittal was appealed by prosecutors from the MICT, a United Nations Security Council agency which functions as oversight program of, and successor entity to, the ICTY. On 11 April 2018, the Appeals Chamber sentenced him to 10 years in prison under Counts 1, 10, and 11 of the indictment for instigating deportation, persecution (forcible displacement), and other inhumane acts (forcible transfer) as crimes against humanity due to his speech in Hrtkovci on 6 May 1992, in which he called for the expulsion of Croats from Vojvodina.
?e?elj's wife, Jadranka ?e?elj (Serbian Cyrillic? ) was born in Podujevo on 11 October 1960. She participated in the President of Serbia elections in 2012 but failed to pass the first round gaining 3.78% of the votes. She is a member of the SRS.
?e?elj authored close to 200 books, mostly in the form of (court) documents and transcripts from interviews and public appearances. Some of the book titles are formulated as insults to his enemies, ICTY judges and prosecutors, and domestic and foreign political figures.
Proveo sam dva i po meseca 1978. u asocijaciji Dr?avnih koled?a Velike Doline u Mi?igenu [...] me?uuniverzitetska razmena. Jedne godine bi deset asistenata Univerziteta u Sarajevu i?lo u Mi?igen, a naredne godine bi dolazili iz Mi?igena u Sarajevo.
Srpske granice dopiru do Karlobaga, Ogulina, Karlovca, Virovitice