Celtiberian Language
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Celtiberian Language
Celtiberian
Northeastern Hispano-Celtic
Native toIberian Peninsula
EthnicityCeltiberians
Extinctattested 2nd to 1st century BC[1]
Celtiberian script
Language codes
xce
xce
Glottologcelt1247
Mapa llengües paleohispàniques-ang.jpg
  Celtiberian in the context of the Paleohispanic languages

Celtiberian or Northeastern Hispano-Celtic is an extinct Indo-European language of the Celtic branch spoken by the Celtiberians in an area of the Iberian Peninsula between the headwaters of the Douro, Tagus, Júcar and Turia rivers and the Ebro river. This language is directly attested in nearly 200 inscriptions dated to the 2nd and 1st centuries BC, mainly in Celtiberian script, a direct adaptation of the northeastern Iberian script, but also in the Latin alphabet. The longest extant Celtiberian inscriptions are those on three Botorrita plaques, bronze plaques from Botorrita near Zaragoza, dating to the early 1st century BC, labelled Botorrita I, III and IV (Botorrita II is in Latin). In the northwest was another Celtic language, Gallaecian (also known as Northwestern Hispano-Celtic), that was closely related to Celtiberian.

Overview

Enough has been preserved to show that the Celtiberian language could be called Q-Celtic (like Goidelic), and not P-Celtic like Gaulish.[2] For some,[by whom?] this has served to confirm that the legendary invasion of Ireland by the Milesians, preserved in the Lebor Gabála Érenn, actually happened.

Some scholars believe that the forms of Brittonic are more closely related to Goidelic (gaelic) than to Gaulish;[3] it would follow that the P/Q division is polyphyletic. If so the change from k? to p occurred in Brythonic (Brittonic) and Gaulish when having long diverged from the other, rather than then forking the "family tree" of the Celtic languages. A change within sub-branches of Proto-Indo-European (PIE) *k? (q) to p is seen in some Italic languages and Ancient Greek dialects: Oscan has pis, pid ("who, what?") to Latin's quis, quid; and Gaulish has epos ("horse") as Attic Greek has hippos to Latin's equus and Mycenaean Greek's i-qo.

Celtiberian and Gaulish are usually grouped together as the Continental Celtic languages, but this grouping is paraphyletic too: no evidence suggests the two shared any common innovation separately from Brittonic Celtic tongues.

Celtiberian exhibits a fully inflected relative pronoun ios (as does, for instance, Ancient Greek), not preserved in other Celtic languages, and the particles -kue 'and' < *k?e (cf. Latin -que, Attic Greek te), nekue 'nor' < *ne-k?e (cf. Latin neque), ekue 'also, as well' < *h?et(i)-k?e (cf. Lat. atque, Gaulish ate, OIr. aith 'again'), ve "or" (cf. Latin enclitic -ve and Attic Greek ? ? < Proto-Greek *?-we). As in Welsh, there is an s-subjunctive, gabiseti "he shall take" (Old Irish gabid), robiseti, auseti. Compare Umbrian ferest "he/she/it shall make" or Ancient Greek deiks?i (aorist subj.) / deiksei (future ind.) "(that) he/she/it shall show".

Phonology

Celtiberian was a Celtic language that shows the characteristic sound changes of Celtic languages such as:[4]

PIE Consonants

  • PIE *b?, *d?, *g? > b, d, g: Loss of Proto-Indo-European voiced aspiration.
    • Celtiberian and Gaulish placename element -brig? 'hill, town, akro-polis' < *b?r-eh?;
    • nebintor 'they are watered' < *neb?-i-nt-or;
    • dinbituz 'he must build' < *d?ing?-b?-t?d, ambi-dingounei 'to build around > to enclose' < *h?m?bi-d?ing?-o-mn-ei (cf. Latin fing? 'to build, shape' < *d?ing?-o, Old Irish cunutgim 'erect, build up' < *kom-ups-d?ing?-o), ambi-diseti '(that someone) builds around > enclose' < *h?m?bi-d?ing?-s-e-ti.
    • gortika 'mandatory, required' < *g?or-ti-ka (cfr. Latin ex-horto 'exhort' < *ex-g?or-to);
    • duatir 'daughter' < *d?ugh?t?r, duateros 'grandson, son of the daughter' (Common Celtic duxtir);
    • bezom 'mine' < *b?ed?-yo 'that is pierced'.
  • PIE *k?: Celtiberian preserved the PIE voiceless labiovelar k? (hence Q-Celtic), a development also observed in Archaic Irish and Latin. On the contrary Brythonic or P-Celtic (as well as Greek and some Italic branches like Osco-Umbrian) changed k? to p. -kue 'and' < *k?e, Latin -que, Osco-Umbrian -pe 'and', neip 'and not, neither' < *ne-k?e.
  • PIE *?w > ku: ekuo horse (in ethnic name ekualakos) < *h?e?w-?lo (cf. Middle Welsh ebawl 'foal' < *ep?lo, Latin equus 'horse', OIr. ech 'horse' < *eko´- < *h?e?wo-, OBret. eb < *epo- < *h?e?wo-);
    • k? 'dog' < *kuu < *kw?n, in Virok?, 'hound-man, male hound/wolf, werewolf' (cfr. Old Irish Ferchú < *Virok?, Old Welsh Gurcí < *Virok? 'idem.'.[5]
  • PIE *g? > b: bindis 'legal agent' < *g?iHm-diks (cfr. Latin vindex 'defender');[6]
    • bovitos 'cow passage' < *g?ow-(e)ito (cfr. OIr bòthar 'cow passage' < *g?ow-(e)itro),[7] and boustom 'cowshed' < *g?ow-sto.
  • PIE *g > gu: guezonto < *ged?-y-ont 'imploring, pleading'. Common Celtic *guedyo 'ask, plead, pray', OIr. guidid, W. gweddi.
  • PIE *p > *? > ?: Loss of PIE *p, e.g. *ro- (Celtiberian, Old Irish and Old Breton) vs. Latin pro- and Sanskrit pra-. ozas sues acc. pl. fem. 'six feet, unit of measure' (< *?odians < *pod-y-ans *sweks);
    • aila 'stone building' < *pl?-ya (cfr. OIr. ail 'boulder');
    • vamos 'higher' < *u?amos < *up-m?os;
    • vrantiom 'remainder, rest' < *uper-n?tiyo (cfr. Latin (s)uperans).
    • Toponym Litania now Ledaña 'broad place' < *pl?th2-ny-a.

Consonant clusters

  • PIE *mn > un: as in Lepontic, Brittonic and Gaulish, but not Old Irish and seemingly not Galatian. Kouneso 'neighbour' < *kom-ness-o < *Kom-ned?-to (cf. OIr. comnessam 'neighbour' < *Kom-ned?-t-m?o).
  • PIE *pn > un: Klounia < *kleun-y-a < *kleup-ni 'meadow' (Cfr. OIr. clúain 'meadow' < *klouni). However, in Latin *pn > mn: damnum 'damage' < *dHp-no.
  • PIE *nm > lm: Only in Celtiberian. melmu < *men-m?n 'intelligence', Melmanzos 'gifted with mind' < *men-mn?-tyo (Cfr. OIr. menme 'mind' < *men-mn?. Also occurs in modern Spanish: alma 'soul' < *anma < Lat. anima, Asturian galmu 'step' < Celtic *kang-mu.
  • PIE *ps > *ss / s: usabituz 'he must excavate (lit. up/over-dig)' < *ups-ad-b?iH-t?d, Useizu * < *useziu < *ups-ed-y? 'highest'. The ethnic name contestani in Latin (contesikum in native language), recall the proper name Komteso 'warm-hearted, friendly' (< *kom-tep-so, cf. OIr. tess 'warm' > *tep-so). In Latin epigraphy that sound is transcribed with geminated: Usseiticum 'of the Usseitici' < *Usseito < *upse-tyo. However, in Gaulish and Brittonic *ps > *x (cf. Gaulish Uxama, MW. uchel, 'one six').
  • PIE *pt > *tt / t: setantu 'seventh' (< *septmo-to). However, in Gaulish and Insular Celtic *pt > x: sextameto 'seventh', Old Irish sechtmad (< *septmo-e-to).
  • PIE *gs > *ks > *ss / s: sues 'six' < *sweks;
    • Desobriga 'south/right city' (Celts oriented looking east) < *dekso-*b?ra; **Nertobris 'strength town' < *h?ner-to-*b?rs;
    • es- 'out of, not' < *eks < *h?es (cf. Lat. ex-, Common Celtic exs-, OIr. ess-). In Latin epigraphy that sound its transcript with geminated: Suessatium < *sweks- 'the sixth city' (cfr. Latin Sextantium)[8]
    • Dessicae < *deks-ika. However, in Gaulish *ks > *x: Dexivates.
  • PIE *gt > *kt > *tt / t: ditas 'constructions, buildings' < *d?ig?-tas (= Latin fictas);
    • loutu 'load' < *louttu < *louktu < *leug?-tu;
    • litom 'it is permitted', ne-litom 'it is not permitted' (< *l(e)ik-to, cf. Latin licitum < *lik-e-to). But Common Celtic *kt > *xt: luxtu < *louktu < *leug?-tu, OIr. lucht.
    • Celtiberian Retugenos 'right born, lawful' < *h?reg-t?-genos, Gaulish Rextugenos. In Latin epigraphy that sound is transcribed with geminated: Britto 'noble' < *brikto < *b?r-to.
    • Bruttius 'fruitful' < *bruktio < *b?ruH?-t-y-o (cfr. Latin Fructuosus 'profitable').
  • PIE *st > *st: against Gaulish, Irish and Welsh (where the change was *st > ss) preservation of the PIE cluster *st. Gustunos 'excellent' < *gustu 'excellence' < *gus-tu. Old Irish gussu 'excellence' (cfr. Fergus < *viro-gussu), Gaulish gussu (Lezoux Plate, line 7).

Vowels

  • PIE *e, *h?e > e: Togoitei eni 'in Togotis' < *h?en-i (cf. Lat. in, OIr. in 'into, in'), somei eni touzei 'inside of this territory', es- 'out of, not' < *eks < *h?es (cf. Lat. ex-, Common Celtic exs-, OIr. ess-), esankios 'not enclosed, open' lit. 'unfenced' < *h?es-*h?enk-yos, treba 'settlement, town', Kontrebia 'conventus, capital' < *kom-treb-ya (cf. OIr. treb, W. tref 'settlement'), ekuo horse < *h?ekw-os, ekualo 'horseman'.
  • PIE *h?e > a: ankios 'fenced, enclosed' < *h?enk-yos, Ablu 'strong' < *h?ep-l? 'strength', augu 'valid, firm' < *h?ewg-u, adj. 'strong, firm, valid'.
  • PIE *o, *Ho > o: olzui (dat.sing.) 'for the last' (< *olzo 'last' < *h?ol-tyo, cf. Lat. ultimus < *h?ol-t-m?o. OIr. ollam 'master poet' < *oltamo < *h?ol-t-m?), okris 'mountain' (< *h?ok-r-i, cf. Lat. ocris 'mountain', OIr. ochair 'edge' < *h?ok-r-i), monima 'memory' (< *mon?-m? < *mon-eye-m?).
  • PIE *eh? > ? > ??. This Celtic reflex isn't well attested in Celtiberian. e.g. IE *h3r?g'-s meaning "king, ruler" vs. Celtiberian -reiKis, Gaulish -rix, British rix, Old Irish, Old Welsh, Old Breton ri meaning "king". In any case, the maintenance of PIE ? = ? is well attested in dekez 'he did' < *deked < *d?eh?k-et, identical to Latin fecit.
  • PIE *eh? > ?: d?unei 'to burn' < *deh?u-nei (Old Irish dóud, dód 'burn' < *deh?u-to-), silabur s?zom 'enough money, a considerable amount of money' (< *s?tio < *she?t-yo, Common Celtic s?ti 'sufficiency', OIr. sáith), k?r 'friendship' (< *keh?r, cf. Lat. c?rus 'dear' < *keh?r-os, Irish cara 'friend', W. caru 'love' < *kh?r-os).
  • PIE *eh?, *oH > a/u: Celtic *? in final syllables and *? in non-final syllables, e.g. IE *dh3-t?d to Celtiberian datuz meaning 'he must give'. dama 'sentence' < *d?oh?m-eh? 'put, dispose' (cfr. Old Irish dán 'gift, skill, poem', Germanic d?ma < *d?oh?m-o 'verdict, sentence').
  • PIE *Hw- > w-: uta 'conj. and, prep. besides' (< *h?w-ta, 'or, and', cfr, Umb. ute 'or', Lat. aut 'or' (< *h?ew-ti).

Syllabic resonants and laryngeals

  • PIE *n? > an / *m? > am: arganto 'silver' < *h?r?gn?to (cf. OIr. argat and Latin argentum). kamanom 'path, way' *kanmano < *kn?gs-mn?-o (cf. OIr. céimm, OW. cemmein 'step'), decameta 'tithe' < *dekm?-et-a (cf. Gaulish decametos 'tenth', Old Irish dechmad 'tenth'), dekam 'ten' (cf. Lat. decem, Common Celtic dekam, OIr. deich < *dekm?), novantutas 'the nine tribes', novan 'nine' < *h?newn? (cf. Lat. novem, Common Celtic novan, OW. nauou < *h?newn?), ?s 'we, us' (< *ans < *n?s, Old Irish sinni < *sisni, *snisni 'we, us', cf. German uns < *n?s), trikanta < *tri-kn?g-ta, lit. 'three horns, three boundaries' > 'civil parish, shire' (modern Spanish Tres Cantos.
  • Like Common Celtic and Italic (SCHRIJVER 1991: 415, McCONE 1996: 51 and SCHUMACHER 2004: 135), PIE *CHC > CaC (C = any consonant, H = any laringeal): datuz < *dh?-t?d, dakot 'they put' < *d?h?k-ont, matus 'propitious days' < *mh?-tu (Latin m?nus 'good' < *meh?-no, Old Irish maith 'good' < *mh?-ti).
  • PIE *CCH > CaC (C = any consonant, H = any laryngeal): Magilo 'prince' (< *mgh?-i-lo, cf. OIr. mál 'prince' < *mgh?-lo).
  • PIE *r?R > arR and *l?R > alR (R = resonant): arzn? 'part, share' < *?arsna < *parsna < *pr?s-nh?. Common Celtic *?rasna < *prasna < *pr?s-nh?, cf. Old Irish ernáil 'part, share'.
  • PIE *r?P > riP and *l?P > liP (P = plosive): briganti PiRiKanTi < *b?r-n?ti. silabur konsklitom 'silver coined' < *kom-skl?-to 'to cut'.
  • PIE *Cr?HV > CarV and *Cl?HV > CalV: sailo 'dung, slurry' *salyo < *sl?H-yo (cf. Lat. saliva < *sl?H-iwa, OIr. sal 'dirt' < *sl?H-a), aila 'stone building' < *pl?-ya (cf. OIr. ail 'boulder'), are- 'first, before' (Old Irish ar 'for', Gaulish are 'in front of', < *pr?h?i. Lat. prae- 'before' < *preh?i).
  • Like Common Celtic (JOSEPH 1982: 51 and ZAIR 2012: 37), PIE *HR?C > aRC (H = any laringeal, R? any syllabic resonant, C = any consonant): arganto 'silver' < *h?r?gn?to, not **riganto.

Exclusive developments

  • Affrication of the PIE groups -*dy-, -*d?y-. -*ty- > z/th (/?/) located between vowels and of -*d, -*d? > z/th (/?/) at the end of the word: adiza 'duty' < *adittia < *h?ed-d(e)ik-t-ya; Useizu 'highest' < *ups-ed-y?; touzu 'territory' < *teut-y?; rouzu 'red' < *reud?y-?; olzo 'last' < *h?ol-tyo; ozas 'feet' < *pod-y-ans; datuz < *dh?-t?d; louzu 'free' (in: LOUZOKUM, MLH IV, K.1.1.) < *h?leud?y-? (cf. Oscan loufir 'free man', Russian ljúdi 'men, people'.

Morphology

Noun cases

  • arzn? 'part, share' < *parsna < *pr?s-nh?. Common Celtic *?rasna < *prasna
  • veizos 'witness' < *weid?-yo < *weid?- 'perceive,see' / vamos 'higher' < *up-m?os
  • gentis 'son, descendance' < *gen-ti. Common Celtic *genos 'family'
  • loutu 'load' < *louttu < *louktu < *leug?-tu. Common Celtic luxtu < *louktu < *leug?-tu (oir. lucht).
  • duater 'daughter' < *d?ugh?t?r. Common Celtic duxtir.
Case Singular   Plural
?-stem o-stem i-stem u-stem r-stem ?-stem o-stem i-stem u-stem r-stem
Nominative *arzn? *veizos / *vamos (n. *-om) *gentis *loutus *duater *arzn?s / *arzn? *veizoi (n *-a) *gentis *loutoves *duateres
Accusative *arzn?m *veizom *gentim *loutum *duaterem *arzn?s < -*ams *veizus < *-?s < -*oms *gent?s < -*ims *lout?s < -*ums *duater?s < -*ems
Genitive *arzn?s *veizo *gentes[9] ? *duateros *arznaum *veizum < *weid?-y-?m *gentizum < *is?m *loutoum < *ew?m ?
Dative *arzn?i *veiz?i < *weid?-y-?i *gentei *loutuei[10] ? ? *veizubos ? ? ?
Ablative *arznaz[11] *veizuz < *weid?-y-?d / *vamuz < *up-md *gentiz *loutuez *duaterez < -*ed ? *veizubos ? ? ?
Locative *arznai *veizei *gentei ? ? ? ? ? ? ?

[12][13]

There is also a potential Vocative case, however this is very poorly attested, with only an ambiguous -e ending for o-stem nouns being cited in literature.

Demonstrative pronouns

Case Singular   Plural
masculine feminine neuter masculine feminine neuter
Nominative *so: so viros 'this man' *sa: sa duater 'this daughter' *soz: soz bezom < *so-d *b?ed?-yom 'this mine'. *sos < *so-s ? *sas < *sa-s ? *soizos < so-syos < *so-sy-os ?
Accusative *som: 'to this' *sam: 'to this' *sozom < *so-sy-om? *sus < *s?s < *so-ms *s?s < *sa-ms *soizus < so-sy?s < *so-sy-oms 
Genitive ? ? ? soum < *so-?m 'of these' saum < *sa-?m 'of these' soizum < *so-sy-?m 'of these'
Dative somui < *so-sm-?i 'for this' somai < *so-sm-ai 'for this' ? ? ? ?
Locative somei < *so-sm-ei 'from this' samei < *sa-sm-ei 'from this' ? ? ? ?

[14]

Sample texts

trikantam : bergunetakam : togoitos-kue : sarnikio (:) kue : sua : kombalkez : nelitom
nekue [: to-ver-daunei : litom : nekue : daunei : litom : nekue : masnai : dizaunei : litom : soz : augu
aresta[lo] : damai : uta : oskues : stena : verzoniti : silabur : sleitom : konsklitom : gabizeti
kantom [:] sanklistara : otanaum : togoitei : eni : uta : oskuez : boustom-ve : korvinom-ve
makasiam-ve : ailam-ve : ambidiseti : kamanom : usabituz : ozas : sues : sailo : kusta : bizetuz : iom
asekati : [a]mbidingounei : stena : es : vertai : entara : tiris : matus : dinbituz : neito : trikantam
eni : oisatuz : iomui : listas : titas : zizonti : somui : iom : arznas : bionti : iom : kustaikos
arznas : kuati : ias : ozias : vertatosue : temeiue : robiseti : saum : dekametinas : datuz : somei
eni touzei : iste : ankios : iste : esankios : uze : areitena : sarnikiei : akainakubos
nebintor : togoitei : ios : vramtiom-ve : auzeti : aratim-ve : dekametam : datuz : iom : togoitos-kue
sarnikio-kue : aiuizas : kombalkores : aleites : iste : ires : ruzimuz : Ablu : ubokum
soz augu arestalo damai [15]
all this (is) valid by order of the competent authority
'all this' soz (< *sod) 'final, valid' augo (< *h?eug-os 'strong, valid', cf. Latin augustus 'solemn').
'of the competent authority' arestalos (< *pr?Hi-steh?-lo 'competent authority' < *pr?Hi-sto 'what is first, authority', gen. sing.)
'by order' damai (< *d?oh?m-eh? 'stablishing, dispose', instrumental fem. sing.).
(Translation: Prosper 2006)
saum dekametinas datuz somei eni touzei iste ankios iste es-ankios
of these, he will give the tax inside of this territory, so be fenced as be unfenced
'of these' (saum < *sa-?m) 'the tithes, the tax' (dekametinas)
'he will pay, will give' (datuz) 'inside, in' (eni < *h?en-i)
'of this' (somei loc. sing. < *so-sm-ei 'from this')
'territory' (touzei loc. sing. < *touzom 'territory' < *tewt-yo)
'so (be) fenced' iste ankios 'as (be) unfenced' iste es-ankios
(Transcription Jordán 2004)
togoitei ios vramtiom-ve auzeti aratim-ve dekametam datuz
In Togotis, he who draws water either for the green or for the farmland, the tithe (of their yield) he shall give
(Translation: De Bernardo 2007)
  • Great inscription from Peñalba de Villastar, Teruel. (K.03.03).
eni Orosei
uta Tigino tiatunei
erecaias to Luguei
araianom komeimu
eni Orosei Ekuoisui-kue
okris olokas togias sistat Luguei tiaso
togias
eni Orosei uta Tigino tiatunei erecaias to Luguei araianom comeimu eni Orosei Ekuoisui-kue okris olokas togias sistat Luguei
in Orosis and the surroundings of Tigino river, we dedicate the fields to Lugus. In Orosis and Equeiso the hills, the vegetable gardens and the houses are dedicated to Lugus
'in' eni (< *h?en-i) 'Orosis' Orosei (loc. sing. *oros-ei)
'and' uta(conj. cop.) 'of Tigino (river)' (gen. sing. *tigin-o) 'in the surroundings' (loc. sing. *tiatoun-ei < *to-yh?eto-mn-ei)
'the furrows > the land cultivated' erekai?s < *perka-i-ans acc. pl. fem.) 'to Lugus' to Luguei
araianom (may be a verbal complement: properly, totally, *pare-yanom, cfr. welsh iawn) 'we dedicate' komeimu (< *komeimuz < *kom-ei-mos-i, present 3 p.pl.)
'in' eni 'Orosis' (Orosei loc. sing.) 'in Ekuoisu' (Ekuoisui loc. sing.) '-and' (-kue <*-k?e)
'the hills' (okris < *h?ok-r-eyes. nom. pl.) 'the vegetable gardens' (olokas < *olk?s < *polk-eh?-s, nom. pl.) '(and) the roofs > houses' (togias < tog-ya-s, nom. pl.)
'are they (dedicated)' sistat (< *sistant < *si-sth?-nti, 3 p.pl.) 'to Lug' (Lugue-i dat.)
(Transcription: Meid 1994, Translation: Prosper 2002[16])
  • Bronze plaque of Torrijo del Campo, Teruel.
kelaunikui
derkininei : es
kenim : dures : lau
ni : olzui : obakai
eskenim : dures
useizunos : gorzo
nei : lutorikum : ei
subos : adizai : ekue : kar
tinokum : ekue : lankikum
ekue : tirtokum : silabur
sazom : ibos : esatui
Lutorikum eisubos adizai ekue Kartinokum ekue Lankikum ekue Tirtokum silabur sazom ibos esatui (datuz)
for those of the Lutorici included in the duty, and also of the Cartinoci, of the Lancici and of the Tritoci, must give enough money to settle the debt with them.
'for those included ' (eisubos < *h1epi-s-o-b?os)
'of the Lutorici' (lutorikum gen. masc. pl.)
'and also' (ekue <*h?et(i)k?e) 'of the Cartinoci' (kartinokum)
'and also' (ekue) 'of the Lancici' (lankikum) 'and also' (ekue) 'of the Tritoci' (tirtokum)
'in the assignment, in the duty' (adizai loc. fem. sing. < *adittia < *ad-dik-tia. Cfr. Latin addictio 'assignment'),
'money' (silabur) 'enough' (sazom < *s?tio < *seh?t-yo)
'to settle the debt' (esatui < *essato < *eks-h?eg-to. Cfr. Latin ex-igo 'demand, require' and exactum 'identical, equivalent')
'for them' (ibus < *i-b?os, dat.3 p.pl.)
'must give' (datuz < *dh?-t?d).
(Transcription and Translation: Prosper 2015)

See also

References

  1. ^ Celtiberian at MultiTree on the Linguist List
  2. ^ Mallory, J. P. (1989). In Search of the Indo-Europeans. Thames & Hudson. p. 106. ISBN 0-500-05052-X.
  3. ^ McCone, Kim (1996). Towards a Relative Chronology of Ancient and Medieval Celtic Sound Change. Maynooth: Dept. of Old and Middle Irish, St. Patrick's College. ISBN 0-901519-40-5.
  4. ^ Koch, John (2005). Celtic Culture: A Historical Encyclopedia. ABL-CIO. pp. 1465-66. ISBN 978-1-85109-440-0. Retrieved 2011.
  5. ^ Lambert, Pierre-Yves. "Francisco Villar, M.a Pilar Fernandez Álvarez, ed. Religión, lengua y cultura prerromanas de Hispania, Ediciones Universidad de Salamanca, 2001 (Acta Salmanticensia, Estudios Filológicos, 283). = Actas del VIII Coloquio internacional sobre lenguas y culturas prerromanas de la Península Ibérica (11-14 mai 1999, Salamanque)". In: Etudes Celtiques, vol. 35, 2003. p. 393. [www.persee.fr/doc/ecelt_0373-1928_2003_num_35_1_2242_t1_0386_0000_2]
  6. ^ De Bernardo, P. "La gramática celtibérica del bronce de Botorrita. Nuevos Resultados". In Palaeohispanica 9 (2009), pp. 683-699.
  7. ^ Schmidt, K. H. "How to define celtiberian archaims?". in Palaeohispanica 10 (2010), pp. 479-487.
  8. ^ De Bernardo Stempel, Patrizia 2009 "El nombre -¿céltico?- de la Pintia vaccea". BSAA Arqueología Nº. 75, (243-256).
  9. ^ Gorrochategui, Joaquín 1991 "Descripción y posición lingiiistica del celtibérico" in "Memoriae L. Mitxelena magistri sacrum vol I (3-32)". Ed. Euskal Herriko Unibertsitatea
  10. ^ Beltrán Lloris, F. Jordán Cólera, C. Marco Simón, F. 2005 "Novedades epigráficas en Peñalba de Villastar (Teruel)". Palaeohispánica: Revista sobre lenguas y culturas de la Hispania antigua Nº. 5, 911-956: ENIOROSEI Dat. sg. de un tema en -i. LVGVEI, Dat. sg. de un tema en -u. ERECAIAS, Gen .sg. de un tema en -a, TIASO, Gen. sg. de un tema en -o
  11. ^ Villar Liébana, F. 1996 "Fonética y Morfología Celtibéricas". La Hispania prerromana : actas del VI Coloquio sobre lenguas y culturas prerromanas de la Península Ibérica (339-378): 1) filiación expresada mediante genitivo y cuya desinencia es -as < (*-?s) y 2) origen que se expresa mediante ablativo, cuya desinencia es -az < (*-?d)
  12. ^ Wodtko, Dagmar S. "An outline of Celtiberian grammar" 2003
  13. ^ Václav, Bla?ek (2013-07-04). "Gaulish language". digilib.phil.muni.cz. Retrieved .
  14. ^ Jordán Cólera, Carlos "La forma verbal cabint del bronce celtibérico de Novallas". En Emerita, Revista de Lingüística y Filología Clásica LXXXII 2, 2014, pp. 327-343
  15. ^ Prósper, Blanca María 2006 "Soz auku arestalo tamai. La segunda línea del bronce de Botorrita y el anafórico celtibérico". Palaeohispánica: Revista sobre lenguas y culturas de la Hispania antigua, Nº. 6 (139-150).
  16. ^ Prósper, Blanca M. 2002: «La gran inscripción rupestre celtibérica de Peñalba de Villastar. Una nueva interpretación», Palaeohispanica 2, pp. 213-226.

Sources

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  • Hoz, Javier de. "Lepontic, Celtiberian, Gaulish and the archaeological evidence". In: Etudes Celtiques. vol. 29, 1992. Actes du IXe congrès international d'études celtiques. Paris, 7-12 juillet 1991. Deuxième partie : Linguistique, littératures. pp. 223-240. DOI: https://doi.org/10.3406/ecelt.1992.2006
  • Hoz, Javier de. (1996). The Botorrita first text. Its epigraphical background; in: Die größeren altkeltischen Sprachdenkmäler. Akten des Kolloquiums Innsbruck 29. April - 3. Mai 1993, ed. W. Meid and P. Anreiter, 124–145, Innsbruck.
  • Jordán Cólera, Carlos: (2004). Celtibérico. [1]. University of Zaragoza, Spain.
  • Joseph, Lionel S. (1982): The Treatment of *CRH- and the Origin of CaRa- in Celtic. Ériu n. 33 (31-57). Dublín. RIA.
  • Lorrio, Alberto J. "Les Celtibères: archéologie et culture". In: Etudes Celtiques. vol. 33, 1997. pp. 7-36. DOI: https://doi.org/10.3406/ecelt.1997.2109
  • Luján, Eugenio R. "Celtic and Celtiberian in the Iberian peninsula". In: E. Blasco et al. (eds.). Iberia e Sardegna. Le Monnier Universitá. 2013. pp. 97-112. ISBN 978-88-00-74449-2
  • Luján, Eugenio R.; Lorrio, Alberto J. "Un puñal celtibérico con inscripción procedente de Almaraz (Cáceres, España)". In: Etudes Celtiques, vol. 43, 2017. pp. 113-126. DOI: https://doi.org/10.3406/ecelt.2017.1096
  • McCone, Kim.(1996): Towards a relative chronology of ancient and medieval Celtic sound change Maynooth Studies in Celtic Linguistics 1. Maynooth. St. Patrick's College.
  • Meid, Wolfgang. (1994). Celtiberian Inscriptions, Archaeolingua, edd. S. Bökönyi and W. Meid, Series Minor, 5, 12–13. Budapest.
  • Schrijver, Peter (1991): The reflexes of the Proto-Indo-European laryngeals in Latin. Amsterdam. Ed. Rodopi.
  • Schumacher, Stefan (2004): Die keltischen Primärverben: ein vergleichendes, etymologisches und morphologisches Lexikon. Innsbrucker Beiträge zur Sprachwissenschaft vol. 110. Universität Innsbruck.
  • Untermann, Jürgen. (1997): Monumenta Linguarum Hispanicarum. IV Die tartessischen, keltiberischen und lusitanischen Inschriften, Wiesbaden.
  • Velaza, Javier (1999): Balance actual de la onomástica personal celtibérica, Pueblos, lenguas y escrituras en la Hispania Prerromana, pp. 663-683.
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  • Zair, Nicholas. (2012): The Reflexes of the Proto-Indo-European Laryngeals in Celtic. Leiden. Ed. Brill.

Further reading

  • Beltrán Lloris, Francisco; Jordán Cólera, Carlos. "Celtibérico". In: Palaeohispanica: revista sobre lenguas y culturas de la Hispania antigua n. 20 (2020): pp. 631-688. ISSN 1578-5386 DOI: 10.36707/palaeohispanica.v0i20.395
  • Bernardo Stempel, Patrizia de. "Celtic 'son', 'daughter', other descendants, and *sunus in Early Celtic". In: Indogermanische Forschungen 118, 2013 (2013): 259-298. doi: https://doi.org/10.1515/indo.2013.118.2013.259
  • Cólera, Carlos Jordán (2007). "Celtiberian". e-Keltoi: Journal of Interdisciplinary Celtic Studies. Vol. 6: The Celts in the Iberian Peninsula. Article 17. pp. 749-850. ISSN 1540-4889 Available at: https://dc.uwm.edu/ekeltoi/vol6/iss1/17
  • Fernández, Esteban Ngomo. "A propósito de matrubos y los términos de parentesco en celtibérico". In: Boletín del Archivo Epigráfico. Universidad Complutense de Madrid. nº. 4 (2019): 5-15. ISSN 2603-9117
  • Fernández, Esteban Ngomo. "El color rojo en celtibérico: del IE *H1roudh- al celtibérico routaikina". In: Boletín del Archivo Epigráfico. Universidad Complutense de Madrid. nº. 6 (junio, 2020): 5-19. ISSN 2603-9117
  • Simón Cornago, Ignacio; Jordán Cólera, Carlos Benjamín. "The Celtiberian S. A New Sign in (Paleo)Hispanic Epigraphy". In: Tyche 33 (2018). pp. 183-205. ISSN 1010-9161
  • Stifter, David (2006). "Contributions to Celtiberian Etymology II". In: Palaeohispanica: revista sobre lenguas y culturas de la Hispania Antigua, 6. pp. 237-245. ISSN 1578-5386

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