Ismlism (Arabic: , al-?Isml?yah; Persian: ?, Esmâ'?liyân) is a branch or sub-sect of Shia Islam. The Isml?  get their name from their acceptance of Imam Isma'il ibn Jafar as the appointed spiritual successor (im?m) to Ja'far al-Sadiq, wherein they differ from the Twelver Shia, who accept Musa al-Kadhim, the younger brother of Isma'il, as the true Im?m.
Ismailism rose at one point to become the largest branch of Shia Islam, climaxing as a political power with the Fatimid Caliphate in the 10th through 12th centuries. Ismailis believe in the oneness of God, as well as the closing of divine revelation with Muhammad, whom they see as "the final Prophet and Messenger of God to all humanity". The Isml? and the Twelvers both accept the same six initial Imams; the Isml? accept Isma'il ibn Jafar as the seventh Imam.
After the death of Muhammad ibn Isma'il in the 8th century CE, the teachings of Ismailism further transformed into the belief system as it is known today, with an explicit concentration on the deeper, esoteric meaning (batin) of the Islamic religion. With the eventual development of Usulism and Akhbarism into the more literalistic (zahir) oriented, Shia Islam developed into two separate directions: the metaphorical Ismaili, Alevi, Bektashi, Alian, and Alawite groups focusing on the mystical path and nature of God, along with the "Im?m of the Time" representing the manifestation of esoteric truth and intelligible divine reality, with the more literalistic Usuli and Akhbari groups focusing on divine law (sharia) and the deeds and sayings (sunnah) of Muhammad and the Twelve Imams who were guides and a light to God.
The larger sect of Ismaili are the Nizaris, who recognize Aga Khan IV as the 49th hereditary Imam, while other groups are known as the Tayyibi branch. The biggest Ismaili community is in Badakhshan, but Isml?s can be found in Central Asia, Afghanistan, Pakistan, Yemen, Lebanon, Malaysia, Syria, Iran, Saudi Arabia, India, Jordan, Iraq, East Africa, Angola, Bangladesh, and South Africa, and have in recent years emigrated to Europe, Canada, Australia, New Zealand, the United States, and Trinidad and Tobago.
Ismailism shares its beginnings with other early Shia sects that emerged during the succession crisis that spread throughout the early Muslim community. From the beginning, the Shia asserted the right of Ali, cousin of Muhammad, to have both political and spiritual control over the community. This also included his two sons, who were the grandsons of Muhammad through his daughter Fatimah.
The conflict remained relatively peaceful between the partisans of Ali and those who asserted a semi-democratic system of electing caliphs, until the third of the Rashidun caliphs, Uthman was killed, and Ali, with popular support, ascended to the caliphate.
Soon after his ascendancy, Aisha, the third of Muhammad's wives, claimed along with Uthman's tribe, the Ummayads, that Ali should take qisas (blood for blood) from the people responsible for Uthman's death. Ali voted against it, as he believed that the situation at the time demanded a peaceful resolution of the matter. Though both parties could rightfully defend their claims, due to escalated misunderstandings, the Battle of the Camel was fought and Aisha was defeated, but was respectfully escorted to Medina by Ali.
Following this battle, Muawiya, the Umayyad governor of Syria, also staged a revolt under the same pretences. Ali led his forces against Muawiya until the side of Muawiya held copies of the Quran against their spears and demanded that the issue be decided by Islam's holy book. Ali accepted this, and an arbitration was done which ended in his favor.
A group among Ali's army believed that subjecting his legitimate authority to arbitration was tantamount to apostasy, and abandoned his forces. This group was known as the Khawarij and Ali wished to defeat their forces before they reached the cities, where they would be able to blend in with the rest of the population. While he was unable to do this, he nonetheless defeated their forces in subsequent battles.
Regardless of these defeats, the Kharijites survived and became a violently problematic group in Islamic history. After plotting an assassination against Ali, Muawiya, and the arbitrator of their conflict, Ali was successfully assassinated in 661 CE, and the Im?mate passed on to his son Hasan and then later his son Husayn, or according to the Nizari Isml?, the Imamate passed to Hasan, who was an Entrusted Imam (al-imam al-mustawda), and afterward to Husayn who was the Permanent Imam (al-imam al-mustaqarr). The Entrusted Imam is an Imam in the full sense except that the lineage of the Imamate must continue through the Permanent Imam. However, the political caliphate was soon taken over by Muawiya, the only leader in the empire at that time with an army large enough to seize control.
Even some of Ali's early followers regarded him as "an absolute and divinely guided leader", whose demands of his followers were "the same kind of loyalty that would have been expected for the Prophet". For example, one of Ali's supporters who also was devoted to Muhammad said to him: "our opinion is your opinion and we are in the palm of your right hand." The early followers of Ali seem to have taken his guidance as "right guidance" deriving from Divine support. In other words, Ali's guidance was seen to be the expression of God's will and the Quranic message. This spiritual and absolute authority of Ali was known as walayah, and it was inherited by his successors, the Imams.
In the 1st century after Muhammad, the term 'sunnah' was not specifically defined as "Sunnah of the Prophet", but was used in connection to Abu Bakr, Umar, Uthman, and some Umayyad Caliphs. The idea of hadith, or traditions ascribed to Muhammad, was not mainstream, nor was hadith criticised. Even the earliest legal texts by Malik b. Anas and Abu Hanifa employ many methods including analogical reasoning and opinion and do not rely exclusively on hadith. Only in the 2nd century does the Sunni jurist al-Shafi'i first argue that only the sunnah of Muhammad should be a source of law, and that this sunnah is embodied in hadiths. It would take another one hundred years after al-Shafi'i for Sunni Muslim jurists to fully base their methodologies on prophetic hadiths. Meanwhile, Imami Shia Muslims followed the Imams' interpretations of Islam as normative without any need for hadiths and other sources of Sunni law such as analogy and opinion.
After the death of Imam Hasan, Imam Husayn and his family were increasingly worried about the religious and political persecution that was becoming commonplace under the reign of Muawiya's son, Yazid. Amidst this turmoil in 680, Husayn along with the women and children of his family, upon receiving invitational letters and gestures of support by Kufis, wished to go to Kufa and confront Yazid as an intercessor on part of the citizens of the empire. However, he was stopped by Yazid's army in Karbala during the month of Muharram. His family was starved and deprived of water and supplies, until eventually the army came in on the tenth day and martyred Husayn and his companions, and enslaved the rest of the women and family, taking them to Kufa.
The Nizari Isml?, however, do not mourn this in the same way because of the belief that the light of the Im?m never dies but rather passes on to the succeeding Im?m, making mourning arbitrary. However, during commemoration they do not have any celebrations in Jamatkhana during Muharram and may have announcements or sessions regarding the tragic events of Karbala. Also, individuals may observe Muharram in a wide variety of ways. This respect for Muharram does not include self-flagellation and beating because they feel that harming one's body is harming a gift from Allah.
After being set free by Yazid, Zaynab bint Ali, the daughter of Fatimah and Ali and the sister of Hasan and Husayn, started to spread the word of Karbala to the Muslim world, making speeches regarding the event. This was the first organized da?wah of the Shia, which would later develop into an extremely spiritual institution for the Isml?s.
After the poisoning of Ali ibn Husayn Zayn al-Abidin by Hisham ibn Abd al-Malik in 713, the first succession crisis of the Shia arose with Zayd ibn ?Al?'s companions and the Zayd?s who claimed Zayd ibn ?Al? as the Im?m, whilst the rest of the Shia upheld Muhammad al-Baqir as the Im?m. The Zaidis argued that any sayyid or "descendant of Muhammad through Hasan or Husayn" who rebelled against tyranny and the injustice of his age could be the Im?m. The Zaidis created the first Shia states in Iran, Iraq, and Yemen.
In contrast to his predecessors, Muhammad al-Baqir focused on academic Islamic scholarship in Medina, where he promulgated his teachings to many Muslims, both Shia and non-Shia, in an extremely organized form of Da?wah. In fact, the earliest text of the Ismaili school of thought is said to be the Umm al-kitab (The Archetypal Book), a conversation between Muhammad al-Baqir and three of his disciples.
This tradition would pass on to his son, Ja'far al-Sadiq, who inherited the Im?mate on his father's death in 743. Ja'far al-Sadiq excelled in the scholarship of the day and had many pupils, including three of the four founders of the Sunni madhhabs.
However, following al-Sadiq's poisoning in 765, a fundamental split occurred in the community. Isma?il ibn Jafar, who at one point was appointed by his father as the next Imam, appeared to have predeceased his father in 755. While Twelvers argue that either he was never heir apparent or he truly predeceased his father and hence Musa al-Kadhim was the true heir to the Imamate, the Isml?s argue that either the death of Isma?il was staged in order to protect him from Abbasid persecution or that the Imamate passed to Muhammad ibn Isma?il in lineal descent.
For some partisans of Isml, the Im?mate ended with Isml ibn Ja'far. Most Ismailis recognized Muhammad ibn Isma?il as the next Imam and some saw him as the expected Mahdi that Ja'far al-Sadiq had preached about. However, at this point the Isml? Im?ms according to the Nizari and Mustaali found areas where they would be able to be safe from the recently founded Abbasid Caliphate, which had defeated and seized control from the Umayyads in 750 CE.
At this point, some of the Ismaili community believed that Muhammad ibn Ismail had gone into the Occultation and that he would one day return. A small group traced the Imamat among Muhammad ibn Ismail's lineal descendants. With the status and location of the Im?ms not known to the community, the concealed Ismaili Imams began to propagate the faith through Diyy?n from its base in Syria. This was the start of the spiritual beginnings of the Da?wah that would later play important parts in the all Ismaili branches, especially the Nizaris and the Musta'lis.
The Da'i was not a missionary in the typical sense, and he was responsible for both the conversion of his student as well as the mental and spiritual well-being. The Da'i was a guide and light to the Im?m. The teacher-student relationship of the Da'i and his student was much like the one that would develop in Sufism. The student desired God, and the Da'i could bring him to God by making him recognize the Im?m, who possesses the knowledge of the Oneness of God. The Da'i and Imam were respectively the spiritual mother and spiritual father of the Isma?ili believers.
Ja?far bin Manr al-Yaman's The Book of the Sage and Disciple is a classic of early Fimid literature, documenting important aspects of the development of the Isml? da?wa in tenth-century Yemen. The book is also of considerable historical value for modern scholars of Arabic prose literature as well as those interested in the relationship of esoteric Shia with early Islamic mysticism. Likewise is the book an important source of information regarding the various movements within tenth-century Sh?a leading to the spread of the Fimid-Ismal? da?wa throughout the medieval Islamicate world and the religious and philosophical history of post-Fimid Musta?l? branch of Ismlism in Yemen and India.
Shams Tabrizi and Rumi is a famous example of the importance of the relationship between the guide and the guided, and Rumi dedicated much of his literature to Shams Tabrizi and his discovery of the truth.
While many of the Isml? were content with the Dai teachings, a group that mingled Persian nationalism and Zoroastrianism surfaced known as the Qarmatians. With their headquarters in Bahrain, they accepted a young Persian former prisoner by the name of Abu'l-Fa?l al-Isfahani, who claimed to be the descendant of the Persian kings as their Mahdi, and rampaged across the Middle-East in the tenth century, climaxing their violent campaign by stealing the Black Stone from the Kaaba in Mecca in 930 under Abu Tahir al-Jannabi. Following the arrival of the Al-Isfahani, they changed their qibla from the Kaaba in Mecca to the Zoroastrian-influenced fire. After their return of the Black Stone in 951 and a defeat by the Abbasids in 976 the group slowly dwindled off and no longer has any adherents.
The political asceticism practiced by the Im?ms during the period after Muhammad ibn Ismail was to be short-lived and finally concluded with the Im?mate of Abdullah al-Mahdi Billah, who was born in 873. After decades of Isml?s believing that Muhammad ibn Ismail was in the Occultation and would return to bring an age of justice, al-Mahdi taught that the Im?ms had not been literally secluded, but rather had remained hidden to protect themselves and had been organizing the Da'i, and even acted as Da'i themselves.
After raising an army and successfully defeating the Aghlabids in North Africa and a number of other victories, al-Mahdi Billah successfully established a Shia political state ruled by the Im?mate in 910. This was the only time in history where the Shia Imamate and Caliphate were united after the first Imam, Ali ibn Abi Talib.
In parallel with the dynasty's claim of descent from ?Al? and Fimah, the empire was named "Fatimid". However, this was not without controversy, and recognizing the extent that Isml? doctrine had spread, the Abbasid Caliphate assigned Sunni and Twelver scholars the task to disprove the lineage of the new dynasty. This became known as the Baghdad Manifesto, which tries to trace the lineage of the Fatimids to an alleged Jewish blacksmith.
The Fatimid Caliphate expanded quickly under the subsequent Im?ms. Under the Fatimids, Egypt became the center of an empire that included at its peak North Africa, Sicily, Palestine, Syria, the Red Sea coast of Africa, Yemen, Hejaz and the Tihamah. Under the Fatimids, Egypt flourished and developed an extensive trade network in both the Mediterranean Sea and the Indian Ocean, which eventually determined the economic course of Egypt during the High Middle Ages.
The Fatimids promoted ideas that were radical for that time. One was a promotion by merit rather than genealogy.
Also during this period, the three contemporary branches of Ismailism formed. The first branch (Druze) occurred with the al-Hakim bi-Amr Allah. Born in 985, he ascended as ruler at the age of eleven. A religious group that began forming in his lifetime broke off from mainstream Ismailism and refused to acknowledge his successor. Later to be known as the Druze, they believe Al-Hakim to be the manifestation of God and the prophesied Mahdi, who would one day return and bring justice to the world. The faith further split from Ismailism as it developed unique doctrines which often class it separately from both Ismailism and Islam.
Arwa al-Sulayhi was the Hujjah in Yemen from the time of Imam al Mustansir. She appointed Dai in Yemen to run religious affairs. Ismaili missionaries Ahmed and Abadullah (in about 1067 CE (460 AH)) were also sent to India in that time. They sent Syedi Nuruddin to Dongaon to look after southern part and Syedi Fakhruddin to East Rajasthan, India.
The second split occurred following the death of al-Mustansir Billah in 1094 CE. His rule was the longest of any caliph in both the Fatimid and other Islamic empires. After he died, his sons Nizar, the older, and al-Musta'li, the younger, fought for political and spiritual control of the dynasty. Nizar was defeated and jailed, but according to Nizari sources his son escaped to Alamut, where the Iranian Isml?s had accepted his claim.
The Mustaali line split again between the Taiyabi and the Hafizi, the former claiming that the 21st Im?m and son of al-Amir bi-Ahkami'l-Lah went into occultation and appointed a D al-Mu?laq to guide the community, in a similar manner as the Isml? had lived after the death of Muhammad ibn Ismail. The latter claimed that the ruling Fatimid caliph was the Im?m.
However, in the Mustaali branch, Dai came to have a similar but more important task. The term D al-Mutlaq (Arabic: ) literally means "the absolute or unrestricted missionary". This dai was the only source of the Im?m's knowledge after the occultation of al-Qasim in Mustaali thought.
According to Taiyabi Ismaili tradition, after the death of Im?m al-Am?r, his infant son, at-Tayyib Abu'l-Qasim, about 2 years old, was protected by the most important woman in Musta'li history after Muhammad's daughter, Fatimah. She was Arwa al-Sulayhi, a queen in Yemen. She was promoted to the post of hujjah long before by Im?m Mustansir at the death of her husband. She ran the dawat from Yemen in the name of Imaam Tayyib. She was instructed and prepared by Im?m Mustansir and ran the dawat from Yemen in the name of Imaam Tayyib, following Im?ms for the second period of Satr. It was going to be on her hands, that Im?m Tayyib would go into seclusion, and she would institute the office of the D al-Mutlaq. Zoeb bin Moosa was first to be instituted to this office. Dai continued in Yemen up to 24th Dai Yusuf who shifted Dawat to India. . Before the shift of Dawat in India Dai's representative were known as Wali-ul-Hind. Syedi Hasan Feer was one of the prominent Ismaili wali of 14th century. The line of Tayyib Dais that began in 1132 is still continuing under the main sect known as Dawoodi Bohra (see list of Dai of Dawoodi Bohra).
The Mustaali split several times over disputes regarding who was the rightful D al-Mu?laq, the leader of the community within The Occultation.
After the 27th Dai, Syedna Dawood bin Qutub Shah, there was another split; the ones following Syedna Dawood came to be called Dawoodi Bohra, and followers of Suleman were then called Sulaimani. Dawoodi Bohra's present Dai al Mutlaq, the 53rd, is Syedna Mufaddal Saifuddin, and he and his devout followers tread the same path, following the same tradition of the Aimmat Fatimiyyeen. The Sulaymani are mostly concentrated in Yemen and Saudi Arabia with some communities in the South Asia. The Dawoodi Bohra and Alavi Bohra are mostly exclusive to South Asia, after the migration of the Da'wah from Yemen to India. Other groups include Atba-i-Malak and Hebtiahs Bohra. Mustaali beliefs and practices, unlike those of the Nizari and Druze, are regarded as compatible with mainstream Islam, representing a continuation of Fatimid tradition and fiqh.
In the 1040s, the Zirid dynasty (governors of the Maghreb under the Fatimids) declared their independence and their conversion to Sunni Islam, which led to the devastating Banu Hilal invasions. After about 1070, the Fatimid hold on the Levant coast and parts of Syria was challenged by first Turkish invasions, then the First Crusade, so that Fatimid territory shrunk until it consisted only of Egypt. Damascus fell to the Seljuk Empire in 1076, leaving the Fatimids only in charge of Egypt and the Levantine coast up to Tyre and Sidon. Because of the vehement opposition to the Fatimids from the Seljuks, the Ismaili movement was only able to operate as a terrorist underground movement, much like the Assassins.
After the decay of the Fatimid political system in the 1160s, the Zengid ruler Nur ad-Din, atabeg of Aleppo had his general, Saladin, seize Egypt in 1169, forming the Sunni Ayyubid dynasty. This signaled the end of the Hafizi Mustaali branch of Ismailism as well as the Fatimid Caliphate.
Very early in the empire's life, the Fatimids sought to spread the Isml? faith, which in turn would spread loyalty to the Im?mate in Egypt. One of their earliest attempts was taken by a missionary by the name of Hassan-i Sabbah.
Hassan-i Sabbah was born into a Twelver family living in the scholarly Persian city of Qom in 1056 CE. His family later relocated to the city of Tehran, which was an area with an extremely active Isml? Da?wah. He immersed himself in Isml? thought; however, he did not choose to convert until he was overcome with an almost fatal illness and feared dying without knowing the Im?m of his time.
Afterward, Hassan-i Sabbah became one of the most influential Dais in Isml? history; he became important to the survival of the Nizari branch of Ismailism, which today is its largest branch.
Hassan-i Sabbah continued his missionary activities, which climaxed with his taking of the famous citadel of Alamut. Over the next two years, he converted most of the surrounding villages to Ismailism. Afterward, he converted most of the staff to Ismailism, took over the fortress, and presented Alamut's king with payment for his fortress, which he had no choice but to accept. The king reluctantly abdicated his throne, and Hassan-i Sabbah turned Alamut into an outpost of Fatimid rule within Abbasid territory.
Surrounded by the Abbasids and other hostile powers and low in numbers, Hassan-i Sabbah devised a way to attack the Isml?'s enemies with minimal losses. Using the method of assassination, he ordered the murders of Sunni scholars and politicians who he felt threatened the Isml?s. Knives and daggers were used to kill, and sometimes as a warning, a knife would be placed on the pillow of a Sunni, who understood the message to mean that he was marked for death. When an assassination was actually carried out, the Hashasheen would not be allowed to run away; instead, to strike further fear into the enemy, they would stand near the victim without showing any emotion and departed only when the body was discovered. This further increased the ruthless reputation of the Hashasheen throughout Sunni-controlled lands.
The English word assassins is said to have been derived from the Arabic word Hasaseen meaning annihilators as mentioned in Quran 3:152 or Hashasheen meaning both "those who use hashish" and "throat slitters" in Egyptian Arabic dialect, and one of the Shia Ismaili sects in the Syria of the eleventh century.
After the imprisonment of Nizar by his younger brother Ahmad al Mustaali, various sources indicate that Nizar's son Ali Al-Hadi ibn Nizar|al-H?d? survived and fled to Alamut. He was offered a safe place in Alamut, where Hassan-Al-Sabbah welcomed him. However, it is believed this was not announced to the public and the lineage was hidden until a few Im?ms later to avoid further attacks hostility.
It was announced with the advent of Im?m Hassan II. In a show of his Im?mate and to emphasize the interior meaning (the batin) over the exterior meaning (the zahir), only two years after his accession, the Im?m Hasan 'Al? Zikrihi's Sal?m conducted a ceremony known as qiyama (resurrection) at the grounds of the Alamut Castle, whereby the Im?m would once again become visible to his community of followers in and outside of the Niz?r? Ism?'?l? state. Given Juwayni's polemical aims, and the fact that he burned the Ism?'?l? libraries which may have offered much more reliable testimony about the history, scholars have been dubious about his narrative but are forced to rely on it given the absence of alternative sources. Fortunately, descriptions of this event are also preserved in Rashid al-Din's narrative and recounted in the Haft Bab Baba-yi Sayyidna, written 60 years after the event, and the later Haft Bab-i Abi Ishaq, an Ismaili book of the 15th century AD. However, Rashid al-Din's narrative is based on Juwayni, and the Nizari sources do not go into specific details. Since very few contemporary Nizari Ismaili accounts of the events have survived, and it is likely that scholars will never know the exact details of this event. However, there was no total abrogation of all law - only certain exoteric rituals like the Salah/Namaz, Fasting in Ramadan, Hajj to Makkah, and facing Makkah in prayer were abrogated; however, the Nizaris continued to perform rituals of worship, except these rituals were more esoteric and spiritually oriented. For example, the true prayer is to remember God at every moment; true fasting is to keep all of the body's organs away from whatever is unethical and forbidden. Ethical conduct is enjoined at all times.
Afterward, his descendants ruled as the Im?ms at Alamut until its destruction by the Mongols.
Though it had successfully warded off Sunni attempts to take it several times, including one by Saladin, the stronghold at Alamut soon met its destruction. By 1206, Genghis Khan had managed to unite many of the once antagonistic Mongol tribes into a ruthless, but nonetheless unified, force. Using many new and unique military techniques, Genghis Khan led his Mongol hordes across Central Asia into the Middle East, where they won a series of tactical military victories using a scorched earth policy.
A grandson of Genghis Khan, Hulagu Khan, led the devastating attack on Alamut in 1256, only a short time before sacking the Abbasid caliphate in Baghdad in 1258. As he would later do to the House of Wisdom in Baghdad, he destroyed Isml? as well as Islamic religious texts. The Im?mate that was located in Alamut along with its few followers were forced to flee and take refuge elsewhere.
After the fall of the Fatimid Caliphate and its bases in Iran and Syria, the three currently living branches of Isml? generally developed geographically isolated from each other, with the exception of Syria (which has both Druze and Nizari) and Pakistan and the rest of South Asia (which had both Mustaali and Nizari).
The Musta'li progressed mainly under the Isml? adhering Yemeni ruling class well into the 12th century, until the fall of the last Sulayhid dynasty, Hamdanids (Yemen) and Zurayids rump state in 1197 AD, then they shifted their dawat to India under the Dai al Mutlaq, working on behalf of their last Imam, Taiyyab, and are known as Bohra. From India, various groups spread mainly to south Asia and eventually to the Middle East, Europe, Africa, and America.
The Nizari have maintained large populations in Syria, Uzbekistan, Tajikistan, Afghanistan, Pakistan, India, and they have smaller populations in China and Iran. This community is the only one with a living Im?m, whose title is the Aga Khan. Badakhshan, which includes parts of northeastern Afghanistan and southeastern Tajikistan, is the only part of the world where Ismailis make up the majority of the population.
The Druze mainly settled in Syria and Lebanon and developed a community based upon the principles of reincarnation through their own descendants. Their leadership is based on community scholars, who are the only individuals allowed to read their holy texts. There is controversy over whether this group falls under the classification of Isml?sm or Islam because of its unique beliefs.
The Tajiks of Xinjiang, being Ismaili, were not subjected to being enslaved in China by Sunni Muslim Turkic peoples because the two peoples did not share a common geographical region. The Burusho people of Pakistan are also Nizaris. However, due to their isolation from the rest of the world, Islam reached the Hunza about 350 years ago. Ismailism has been practiced by the Hunza for the last 300 years. The Hunza have been ruled by the same family of kings for over 900 years. They were called Kanjuts. Sunni Islam never took root in this part of central Asia so even now, there are less than a few dozen Sunnis living among the Hunza.
One of the most important texts in Ismaili historiography is the ?Uyun al-Akhbar, which is a reference source on the history of Ismailism that was composed in 7 books by the Tayyibi Musta?lian Ismaili da?i-scholar, Idris Imad al-Din (born ca. 1392). This text presents the most comprehensive history of the Ismaili Imams and da?wa, from the earliest period of Muslim history until the late Fatimid era. The author, Idris Imad al-Din, descended from the prominent al-Walid family of the Quraysh in Yemen, who led the Tayyibi Musta?lian Ismaili da?wa for more than three centuries. This gave him access to the literary heritage of the Ismailis, including the majority of the extant Fatimid manuscripts transferred to Yemen. The ?Uyun al-Akhbar is being published in 7 volumes of annotated Arabic critical editions as part of an institutional collaboration between the Institut Français du Proche Orient (IFPO) in Damascus and The Institute of Ismaili Studies (IIS) in London. This voluminous text has been critically edited based on several old manuscripts from The Institute of Ismaili Studies' vast collection. These academic editions have been prepared by a team of Syrian and Egyptian scholars, including Dr Ayman F Sayyid, and this major publication project has been coordinated by Dr Nader El-Bizri (IIS) and Dr Sarab Atassi-Khattab (IFPO).
Unlike the Fatimid period, very little remains on the Nizari Ismailis in the aftermath of the Mongol invasions. Not a single primary source survives that recounts a continuous narrative of the Ismailis in this era. Therefore, the historian must use the snapshots, or 'small facts of time' from obscure sources, to construct a broad outline of a narrative for this era rather than attempting to construct a sustained historical narrative.
Isml?s believe the Quran was sent to Muhammad through the angel Gabriel (Jibra'il in Arabic) over the course of 23 years. They believe that the Imam has the authority to interpret the Quran in relation to the present time.
Several Fatimid Ismaili dignitaries held the practice of esoteric interpretation of the Qur'an (ta?w?l) in very high regard as the counterpart to its literal revelation (tanz?l). Ta?w?l means the returning of something to its source. It is understood to be the method by which the exoteric interpretation of the Qur'an is returned to its original esoteric meaning. The esteemed Fatimid dignitary Al-Mu'ayyad fi'l-Din al-Shirazi expands on this by stating that "[ta?w?l] is to return something to its source (awwalih)". The Fatimid jurist Qadi al-Nu'man adds that the "authority to dispense ta?w?l belongs exclusively to those whom God specifically appointed to this task [i.e., the Imams]".
One important old practice of Gupti Ismaili community at the shrine of sayyid Imamshah was the uttering of "?ayy zinda" upon entering the shrine, to which the congregation would reply "qim p?yinda". The first statement, derived from the Arabic and Persian languages, means "living," and is traditionally understood as a declaration of the belief in a living Imam. The second, of the same origin, means "abiding," and refers to the eternal nature of divine guidance. Additionally, one of the most significant titles of the Ismaili Imam is qim, conveying that it is the Imam who ushers the resurrection (qiy?ma).
The Ginans are Nizari religious texts. They are written in the form of poetry by Pirs to interpret the meanings of Quranic ayat. In comparison to Ginans, Isml?s of other origins, such as Persians, Arabs, and Central Asians, have qasidas (Arabic: ) written in Persian by missionaries such as Nasir Khusraw and Hasan bin Sabah, Ginan" or "Munajaat" written in Burushaski language (spoken in Hunza Valley of Pakistan) by Allama Nasir Hunzai(1917_2016), a well known and respected scholar in Ismaili community. ( "Imam e Noor e Jalwa xum Manish' hik heshi Alam e Sung")
Belief in reincarnation exists in the Druze faith, an offshoot of Ismailism. The Druze believe that members of their community can only be reincarnated within the community. It is also known that Druze believe in five cosmic principles, represented by the five-colored Druze star: intelligence/reason (green), soul (red), word (yellow), precedent (blue), and immanence (white). These virtues take the shape of five different spirits which, until recently, have been continuously reincarnated on Earth as prophets and philosophers including Adam, the ancient Greek mathematician and astronomer Pythagoras, the ancient Pharaoh of Egypt Akhenaten, and many others. The Druze believe that, in every time period, these five principles were personified in five different people who came down together to Earth to teach humans the true path to God and enlightenment, but that with them came five other individuals who would lead people away from the right path into "darkness."
Isml?s believe numbers have religious meanings. The number seven plays a general role in the theology of the Ism?'?liyya, including mystical speculations that there are seven heavens, seven continents, seven orifices in the skull, seven days in a week, and so forth.
For this sect, the Im?m is the manifestation of truth, and hence he is their path of salvation to God.
Classical Isml? doctrine holds that divine revelation had been given in six periods (daur) entrusted to six prophets, who they also call Natiq (Speaker), who were commissioned to preach a religion of law to their respective communities.
Whereas the Natiq was concerned with the rites and outward shape of religion, the inner meaning is entrusted to a Wasi (Representative). The Wasi would know the secret meaning of all rites and rules and would reveal them to small circles of initiates.
The Natiq and the Wasi are in turn succeeded by a line of seven Im?ms, who guard what they received. The seventh and last Im?m in any period becomes the Natiq of the next period. The last Im?m of the sixth period, however, would not bring about a new religion of law but rather supersede all previous religions, abrogate the law and introduce din Adama al-awwal ("the original religion of Adam") practised by Adam and the angels in paradise before the fall, which would be without ritual or law but consist merely in all creatures praising the creator and recognizing his unity. This final stage was called the Qiyamah.
Just as the Im?m is seen by Ismailis as the manifestation of the first-created Light, during the period between the Im?mates of Muhammad ibn Ismail and al-Madhi Billah, the relationship between the teacher and the student became a sacred one, and Dai became a position much beyond a normal missionary. Dai passed on the sacred and hidden knowledge of the Im?m to the student, who could then use that information to ascend to higher levels. First, the student loved Dai, and from the Dai, he learned to love the Im?m, who was but an interceder on behalf of God. In Nizari Ismailism, the head Dai is called the Pir. The Imam is the Pir in Nizari Ismailism.
In Ismailism, things have an exterior meaning, what is apparent. This is called z?hir.
A fundamental aspect of Ismailism is the co-existence of the physical and the spiritual, the zahir (exoteric) form and the batin (esoteric) essence. The esoteric is the source of the exoteric, and the exoteric is the manifestation of the esoteric. This concept is highlighted in the "Epistle of the Right Path", a Persian-Ismaili prose text from the post-Mongol period of Ismaili history, by an anonymous author.
In Ismailism, things have an interior meaning that is reserved for a special few who are in tune with the Im?m or are the Im?m himself. This is called b?tin.
As with other Shia, Isml?s believe that the understanding of God is derived from the first light in the universe, the light of 'Aql, which in Arabic roughly translates as 'Intellect' or to 'bind' (Latin: Intellectus). It is through this Universal Intellect ('aql al-kull) that all living and non-living entities know God, and all of humanity is dependent and united in this light. Contrastingly, in Twelver thought this includes the Prophets as well, especially Muhammad, who is the greatest of all the manifestations of 'Aql.
God, in Isma?ili metaphysics, is seen as above and beyond all conceptions, names, and descriptions. He transcends all positive and negative qualities, and knowledge of God as such is above all human comprehension. Read more at: Ismaili Musim Teachings on Tawhid from Primary Sources
For the Shia, the Light (nur) of the Imamate is the Universal Intellect, and consequently, the Imam on earth is the focus of manifestation (mazhar) of the Intellect.
The Ismailis have submitted the Quranic Zakat (see Quran 9:103), which is a purification due and not charitable alms, to the Imams since the death of Muhammad. The zakat rates historically differed depending on the asset type: 2.5% of animals, 5% of minerals, and 10% of crops. Among Khoja Ismailis, the zakat is 12.5% of cash income and among other Ismailis of Iran, Syria, Central Asia, and China, the zakat is 10% of cash income and other %s of non-cash assets like crops and livestock.
The entire zakat amount is given to the Ismaili Imam through his representatives in the Jamatkhanas, called Mukhi-Sahibs. The zakat/dasond funds are used exclusively for the benefit of the community - and for the expenses, the Office of the Imamat incurs in this work. And even though the Imam has a right to a portion of those funds, personally, in fact the reverse happens and the Imam supplements Imamat funds from his personal resources, sometimes by an additional 50%. This has been documented in several interviews of the present Aga Khan.
Walayah is translated from Arabic as "guardianship" and denotes "Love and devotion for God, the Prophets, the Aimmat and Im?m uz Zaman, and Dai." It also denotes Ta'at (following every order without protest, but with one's soul's happiness, knowing that nothing is more important than a command from God and that the command of His vicegerents is His Word). In Isml? doctrine, God is the true desire of every soul, and he manifests himself in the forms of Prophets and Im?ms; to be guided to his path, one requires a messenger or a guide: a Dai. For the true mawali of the Imam and Dai, heaven is made obligatory. And only with this crucial walayat, they believe, will all the other pillars and acts ordained by Islam be judged or even looked at by God.
A pillar that translates from Arabic as "purity." As well as a pure soul, it includes bodily purity and cleanliness; without Taharat of the body, clothes, and ma'salla, Salaat will not be accepted.
In place of Taharah, the Druze have the Shahada, or affirmation of faith.
The Nizari Ismaili Muslims are required to pray the Du'a (Nizari Ismaili prayer) three times a day. Salah in other forms are not obligatory, but Ismailis can offer them as well.
A pillar which translates as "charity." With the exception of the Druze sect, the Isml?s' form of zakat resembles the Zakat of other Muslims. Along with zakat, the Twelvers also pay khums, which is 1/5 of one's unspent money at the end of the year. Isml?s pay a tithe of 12.5%, which is used for development projects in the eastern world, primarily to benefit Isml?s and, by extension, other communities living in that area.
A pillar which is translated as "fasting." Sunni and Shia Muslims fast by abstaining from food, drink from dawn to sunset as well purifying the soul by avoiding sinful acts and doing good deeds, e.g., not lying, being honest in daily life, not backbiting, etc., for 30 days during the holy month of Ramadan (9th month of the Islamic calendar). In contrast, the Nizari and Musta'ali sects believe in a metaphorical as well as a literal meaning of fasting. The literal meaning is that one must fast as an obligation, such as during Ramadan, and the metaphorical meaning is seeking to attain the Divine Truth and striving to avoid worldly activities which may detract from this goal. In particular, Isml?s believe that the esoteric meaning of fasting involves a "fasting of the soul", whereby they attempt to purify the soul simply by avoiding sinful acts and doing good deeds. Still, many Nizari Ismailis around the world fast during the month of Ramadan every year. In addition, the Nizari also fast on "Shukravari Beej" which falls on a Friday that coincides with the New Moon.
Many Ismaili sects do not ascribe to mainstream Islamic beliefs regarding the Hajj, considering it instead to metaphorically mean visiting the Imam himself, that being the greatest and most spiritual of all pilgrimages. Since the Druze do not follow shariah, they do not believe in a literal pilgrimage to the Kaaba in Mecca as other Muslims do, while the Mustaali (Bohras) as well as the Nizaris still hold on to the literal meaning as well, performing hajj to the Ka'aba and also visiting the Imam (or in a secluded time, the Dai, who is the representative or vicegerent of the Imam) to be Hajj-e Haqiqi.
For the Isma?ilis, jihad is the last of the Seven Islamic Pillars, and for them it means a struggle against one's own soul; striving toward righteousness, and sometimes as struggle in warfare. However, Isma?ilis will stress that none but their Imam-uz-Zaman [Imam of the Time] can declare war and call his followers to fight.
The largest part of the Isml? community, the Qasim-Shahi Nizari Isml?s, today accept Prince Karim Aga Khan IV as their 49th Im?m, who they claim is descended from Mu?ammad through his daughter Fimah az-Zahra and 'Ali, Mu?ammad's cousin and son-in-law. The 46th Isml? Im?m, Aga Hassan ?Al? Shah, fled Iran in the 1840s after being blamed for a failed coup against the Shah of the Qajar dynasty. Aga Hassan ?Al? Shah settled in Mumbai in 1848.
The Nizari Ismaili Imams (known as the Aga Khans since the 18th century have used their power to institute reforms that affected personal lives of men and women in the community. Aga Khan III, the 48th Nizari Ismaili Imam, was passionate in this movement. He came into his role at an early age, due to his father's early death, so his mother, Lady Ali Shah, played an influential role during his early years. The influence of women during his rule continued in his later years with his wife Umm Habiba. Imam Aga Khan III ruled from 1885 to 1957 and the current 49th Imam, his grandson, Imam Aga Khan IV commenced his rule in 1957. A majority of Aga Khan III's efforts sought to reform Ismaili marriage contract laws which have significantly impacted women within the Nizari Ismaili community.
The focus of Imam Aga Khan III's message was to promote the idea that women were free and independent. In a message to his followers in 1926, he proclaimed that:
"I do not want Ismaili women dependent on anyone--their parents, husbands, or anyone except God...I have no doubt that the whole spirit and teaching of my ancestor the Holy Prophet encouraged the evolution of all legitimate freedom and legitimate equality before men and women".
He encouraged women to participate in social and political affairs and criticized veiling as well as gender segregation, including the acts of Pardah (masking of oneself from the public) and zenana (restraint on women from leaving the home).
Aga Khan III believed economic independence was key to achieving this equality and freedom. By becoming educated and earning their own livelihood, women would no longer be a burden on their parents or spouses. He proclaimed:
"I am trying to guide our young women's lives into entirely new channels. I want to see them able to earn their livings in trades and professions, so that they are not economically dependent on marriage, nor a burden on their fathers and brother[s]".
In effect, marriage would no longer be imposed on women due to economic necessity. The Aga Khan III realized that education was at the forefront of this reform and encouraged parents who only had enough money to send one child to school to send their daughters. And this advocacy for education was not limited to elementary literacy. To ensure girls had access to education, there was a minimum marriageable age instituted (for both boys and girls) and child marriage was banned. Moreover, marriage against the will of the bride was outlawed as brides were to sign their marriage contracts according to their choice. Other reforms in marriage laws included decisions on polygamy and divorce. In 1905, polygamy was permitted with the condition of the "maintenance of the first wife" and later that was changed to only be allowed for specific reasons. In 1962, polygamy was outlawed within the Nizari Ismaili community. Women were allowed to divorce their husbands and for a husband to divorce his wife, he was required to stand before a council which ultimately decided whether the divorce was granted or denied. Additionally, Aga Khan III took efforts to eliminate and mitigate the stigma around divorces and divorced women.
A discrepancy exists between the rights offered to women through these reforms and the actual realization of the practice of those rights. Cultural norms and views continue to guide many members of the community who criticize the reforms as being influenced from western values. The Aga Khan responded to this critique by claiming that:
"While the words of the Koran remain the same, every generation, every century, every period must have a new and different interpretation of the past, otherwise Islam will die and will not survive the competition of some healthy less rigid competitors".
Additional barriers to practice of reforms include the fact that the councils implementing the forms are often majority male who may still adhere to patriarchal norms. The laws of the countries in which Ismaili women reside also impact the implementation of reforms. Sharia law, common in most Sunni majority countries, is often in contrast to the Ismaili reforms and so residents of these countries must adhere to the country's rules and regulations. The situation of Ismaili women depends on factors including their government and its laws, economic ability, resource availability, and global conditions.
The offshoot of the Muhammad-Shahi or Mumini Nizari Ismailis who follow the elder son of Shams al-Din (Nizari) Mu?ammad d. 1310, the 28th Qasim-Shahi Imam, named ?Al?' ad-D?n Mumin Sh?h d. 1337 (26th Imam of the Muhammad-Shahi or Mumini Nizari Ismailis) and his son Muhammad Shah d 1404, the twenty-seventh Imam. They follow this line of Imams until the disappearance of the 40th Imam al-Amir Muhammad al-Baqir in 1796 when they lost contact with him while he resided in India. The bulk of this group joined the Qasim-Shahi Nizaris led by the Aga Khan in 1887. There are 15,000 followers of this line of Nizari Imams in Syria today, locally called the Jafariyah who follow the Shafi'i Fiqh in the absence of their Imam.
There is also a historical dispute as to whether Imam Qasim Shah was a brother or a paternal uncle to ?Al?' ad-D?n Mumin Sh?h. The most famous Imam of this line of Nizari Imams was Shah Tahir bin Radi al-Din II al-Husayni ad-Dakkani, the 31st Imam who died in 1549. He was famous for converting the sultan of the Ahmadnagar Sultanate Burhan Nizam Shah I to Shia Islam. His father the 30th Imam Radi al-Din II bin Tahir who died in 1509, came from Sistan to Badakshan and established his rule of the region. He was killed and a regional Timurid dynasty ruler Mirza Khan established his rule over the region.
In time, the seat for one chain of Dai was split between India and Yemen as the community split several times, each recognizing a different Dai. Today, the Dawoodi Bohras, which constitute the majority of the Mustaali Isml? accept Mufaddal Saifuddin as the 53rd D al-Mu?laq. The Dawoodi Bohras are based in India, along with the Alavi Bohra. Minority groups of the Sulaymani, however, exist in Yemen and Saudi Arabia. In recent years, there has been a rapprochement between the Sulaymani, Dawoodi, and Alavi Mustaali sub-sects.
The Mustaali sects are the most traditional of the three main groups of Isml?, maintaining rituals such as prayer and fasting more consistently with the practices of other Shia sects. It is often said that they resemble Sunni Islam even more than Twelvers do, though this would hold true for matters of the exterior rituals (zahir) only, with little bearing on doctrinal or theological differences.
The Dawoodi Bohras are a very close-knit community who seeks advice from Dai on spiritual and temporal matters.
Dawoodi Bohras is headed by the D al-Mutlaq, who is appointed by his predecessor in office. The D al-Mutlaq appoints two others to the subsidiary ranks of m?z?n (Arabic Man ) "licentiate" and Muk?sir (Arabic: ). These positions are followed by the rank of ra'sul hudood, bhaisaheb, miya-saheb, shaikh-saheb, and mulla-saheb, which are held by several of Bohras. The 'Aamil or Saheb-e Raza who is granted the permission to perform the religious ceremonies of the believers by the D al-Mutlaq and also leads the local congregation in religious, social, and community affairs, is sent to each town where a sizable population of believers exists. Such towns normally have a masjid (commonly known as a mosque) and an adjoining jamaa'at-khaana (assembly hall) where socio-religious functions are held. The local organizations which manage these properties and administer the social and religious activities of the local Bohras report directly to the central administration of the D al-Mutlaq.
While the majority of Dawoodi Bohras have traditionally been traders, it is becoming increasingly common for them to become professionals. Some choose to become Doctors, consultants or analysts as well as a large contingent of medical professionals. Dawoodi Bohras are encouraged to educate themselves in both religious and secular knowledge, and as a result, the number of professionals in the community is rapidly increasing. Dawoodi Bohras believe that the education of women is equally important as that of men, and many Dawoodi Bohra women choose to enter the workforce. Al Jamea tus Saifiyah (The Arabic Academy) in Mumbai, Surat, Nairobi and Karachi is a sign to the educational importance in the Dawoodi community. The Academy has an advanced curriculum that encompasses religious and secular education for both men and women.
Today there are approximately one million Dawoodi Bohra. The majority of these reside in India and Pakistan, but there is also a significant diaspora residing in the Middle East, East Africa, Europe, North America and the Far East.
The ordinary Bohra is highly conscious of his identity, and this is especially demonstrated at religious and traditional occasions by the appearance and attire of the participants. Dawoodi Bohra men wear a traditional white three-piece outfit, plus a white and gold cap (called a topi), and women wear the rida, a distinctive form of the commonly known burqa which is distinguished from other forms of the veil due to it often being in color and decorated with patterns and lace. The rida's difference from the burqa, however, is significant beyond just the colour, pattern, and lace. The rida does not call for covering of women's faces like the traditional veil. It has a flap called the 'pardi' that usually hangs on the back like the hood of a jacket but it is not used to conceal the face. This is representative of the Dawoodi Bohra community's values of equality and justice for women, which they believe, is a tenet of the Fatimid Imamate's evolved understanding of Islam and the true meaning of women's chastity in Islam. The Dawoodi Bohra community also do not prevent their women from coming to mosques, attending religious gatherings or going to places of pilgrimage. It is often regarded as the most peaceful sect of Islam and an example of true Sufism; it has been critically acclaimed on several occasions even by Western governments such as those of the United Kingdom, Germany, Sweden, and particularly the United States for its progressive outlook towards gender roles, adoption of technology, promotion of literature, crafts, business and secular values. However, the Dawoodi Bohras are highly single-minded about inter-caste or inter-faith marriage. They do not oppose it but do not encourage it either. If a Dawoodi Bohra member does marry into another caste or religion, he or she is usually advised to ask his or her spouse to convert to Islam and, specifically, into the community.
They believe that straying away from the community implies straying away from Ma'ad - the ultimate objective of this life and the meaning of the teachings of Islam, which is to return to where all souls come from and re-unite with Allah. Besides, converting someone to Islam has high spiritual and religious significance as doctrines espouse that making someone a Muslim or Mu'min confers the Sawab (the reward of good deeds) equivalent to that of 40 Hajjs and 40 Umrahs (visiting Mecca and the Kaaba during days other than that of Hajj).
The position of Da'i al-Mutlaq is currently disputed after the demise of the 52nd Da'i al-Mutlaq of the Dawoodi Bohra community, Mohammed Burhanuddin. Two claimants emerged for the position of 53rd Da'i al-Mutlaq, Mufaddal Saifuddin and Khuzaima Qutbuddin, and a case is pending in the Bombay High Court to resolve the matter. Qutbuddin has since died and appointed his son Taher Fakhruddin as his successor.
Besides speaking the local languages, the Dawoodis have their own language called Lis?nu l-Dwat "Tongue of the Dwat". This is written in the Persian alphabet but is derived from Urdu, Gujarati, and Arabic and Persian.
Founded in 1592, the Sulaymani are mostly concentrated in Yemen but are also found in Pakistan and India. The denomination is named after its 27th Da, Sulayman bin Hassan. They are referred to and prefer to be referred to as Ahle-Haq Isma?ilis and Sulaymanis and not with the Bohras suffix.
The total number of Sulaymanis currently are around 300,000, mainly living in the eastern district of Jabal Haraz in northwest Yemen and in Najran, Saudi Arabia. Beside the Banu Yam of Najran, the Sulaymanis are in Haraz, among the inhabitants of the Jabal Maghariba and in Hawzan, Lahab and Attara, as well as in the district of Hamadan and in the vicinity of Yarim.
In India there are between 3000 and 5000 Sulaymanis living mainly in Vadodara, Hyderabad, Mumbai and Surat. In Punjab, Pakistan, there is a well-established Sulaymani community in Sind. Some ten thousand Sulaymanis live in rural areas of Punjab known to the Sulaymani as Jazeera-e Sind; these Sulaymani communities have been in the Jazeera-e Sind from the time of Fatimid Imam-Caliph al-Mu'izz li-Din Allah when he sent his Das to Jazeera-e Sind.
The ?Alavi Bohras, popularly and incorrectly known as Alya Bohras, follow a different line of succession of Du'aat (missionaries) from the 29th da'i onwards after the split from Da'udi Bohras in Ahmedabad in 1621 CE. They believe the rightful da'i was a grandson of the 28th da'i named ?Ali Shams al-Din b. Ibrahim (d. 1046 AH/1637 CE). They are named after this ?Ali, calling themselves ?Alavis, and their mission ad-Da'wat ul-Haadiyat ul-?Alaviyah. Three da'is later, in 1110 AH/1699 CE, the seat of the ?Alavi Da'wat was moved from Ahmedabad to Vadodara by 32nd da'i, acting on the will of 31st da'i (except for a brief interlude in Surat for 20 years 1158-1178 AH/1745-1764 CE). Since then Vadodara remains the headquarters of the ?Alavis to this day. The ?Alavi Bohras have a library of 450 Isma?ili manuscripts, some up to 500 years old, at their centre in Vadodara.
Currently, ?Alavi Bohras are a close-knit organized community numbering approximately 8000, with the majority of them settled in Vadodara, where they have their own locality. They have their own masjids and musafirkhanas in places like Mumbai, Surat, Ahmedabad, Nadiad in India. Some have migrated to the United States, United Kingdom, Australia, Canada, UAE and Europe. Like majority of Bohra communities, ?Alavi Bohras are mostly traders and dominate the optical and furniture market in Vadodara. They are now increasingly venturing into professions such as law, medicine, engineering, business management, computer sciences. Beings Isma?ili-Taiyebis they follow strictly Fatimid spiritual hierarchical set-up, law, dress code, customs, beliefs, eating habits, lifestyle, ethics and customary traditions, etc.
While lesser-known and smallest in number, Alavi Bohras have their spiritual and temporal head as the 45th d al-mu?laq, Haatim Zakiyuddin. The doctrines of Alavi Bohras is centered on the recognition of the Imam. It continues to be the most important foundation among Bohras. In fact, dai al-mutlaq acts as a direct representative of the concealed Imam as he receives required guidance from him. During this time of the concealment of 21st Fatimid Imam at-Taiyeb and his progeny, the religious hierarchy of the Alavi Bohras is headed by the D al-Mutlaq, who is appointed by his predecessor in office and similar as of Dawoodi Bohra.
The Atba-i Malak jamaat (community) are a branch of Mustaali Ismaili Shia Islam that broke off from the mainstream Dawoodi Bohra after the death of the 46th Da'i al-Mutlaq, under the leadership of Abdul Hussain Jivaji. They have further split into two more branches, the Atba-i-Malak Badar and Atba-i-Malak Vakil.
The Progressive Dawoodi Bohra is a reformist sect within Musta'li Ismai'li Shia Islam that broke off circa 1977. They disagree with mainstream Dawoodi Bohra, as led by the Da'i al-Mutlaq, on doctrinal, economic and social issues.
While on one view there is a historical nexus between the Druze and Isml?s, any such links are purely historical and do not entail any modern similarities, given that one of the Druze's central tenets is trans-migration of the soul (reincarnation) as well as other contrasting beliefs with Isml?sm and Islam. Druze is an offshoot of Ismailism. Many historical links do trace back to Syria and particularly Masyaf. Even though the faith originally developed out of Isma'ilism, most Druze no longer consider themselves Muslims, Druze also are not considered Muslims by those belonging to orthodox Islamic schools of thought (see Islam and Druze). Ibn Taymiyyah also pointed out that Druze were not Muslims, and neither 'Ahl al-Kit?b (People of the Book) nor mushrikin, rather they were kuff?r (Infidel).
Satpanth is a subgroup of Nizari Ismailism and Ismaili Sufism formed by conversions from Hinduism 700 years ago by Pir Sadardin (1290-1367) and 600 years ago in the 15th century by his grandson Pir Imam Shah (1430-1520), they differ slightly from the Nizari Khojas in that they reject the Aga Khan as their leader and are known more commonly as Imam-Shahi. There are villages in Gujarat which are totally 'Satpanthi' such as Pirana near Ahmedabad where Imam Shah is buried. It is also the older form of Nizari Ismaili practice originating from the Kutch community of Gujarat. Pir Sadardin gave the first converts to Ismailism the name 'Satpanth' because they were the followers of the 'True Path.' They were then given the title of Khoja to replace their title of Thakkar.
According to the historian Yaqut al-Hamawi, the Böszörmény (Izmaelita or Ismaili/Nizari) denomination of the Muslims who lived in the Kingdom of Hungary in the 10-13th centuries, were employed as mercenaries by the kings of Hungary. However following the establishment of the Christian Kingdom of Hungary their community was either Christianized or became crypto Muslim by the end of the 13th century, to eventually became Alevi Bektashi Muslims after the Ottoman conquer of Hungary
This branch held that whoever the political ruler (caliph) of the Fatimid Caliphate was, was also the Imam of the Time, after the reign of Al-Amir, Al-Hafiz was recognized as the Imam of the Time as well as his descendants. The Hafizi Ismaili sect had 26 Imams. The Hafizi sect lived on into the 14th century AD with adherents in Northern Egypt and Syria but had died out by the 15th century AD.
A branch of the Isml? known as the Sab'?yah "Seveners" hold that Isml's son, Muhammad ibn Ismail, was the seventh and final Isml? Imam, who is said to be in the Occultation. However, most scholars believe this group is either extremely small or non-existent today. The Qaramita were the most active branch of the Seveners.
The Amman Message, which was issued on 9 November 2004 (27th of Ramadan 1425 AH) by King Abdullah II bin Al-Hussein of Jordan, called for tolerance and unity in the Muslim world. Subsequently, the "Amman Message" Conference took place in Amman, Jordan on 4-6 July 2005, and a three-point declaration was issued by 200 Muslim academics from over 50 countries focusing on the three issues of:
The three-point declaration (later known as The Three Points of the Amman Message) included both the Ja'fari and Zaydi Shia madh?hib (schools of jurisprudence) among the eight schools of jurisprudence that were listed as being in the Muslim fold and whose adherents were, therefore, to be considered as Muslim by definition and therefore cannot be excluded from the world community of Muslims.
The Aga Khan, the 49th Imam of the Ismailis, was invited to issue a religious edict for and on behalf of the Ismailis, which he did by a letter explicitly stating that the Ismailis adhered to the Ja'fari school as well as other schools of close affinity including the Sufi principles concerned with a personal search for God.
The Shia belief throughout its history split over the issue of the Imamate. The largest branch is the Twelvers, followed by the Ismailis then the Zaidis and Kaysanite. All the groups follow a different line of Imamate linked together as shown in the chart below.
|Imâm Ali ibn Abi Talib|
|Imâm Hasan ibn Ali|
|2. Imâm Husayn ibn Ali|
|3. Ali ibn Husayn Zayn al-Abidin|
|4. Muhammad al-Baqir|
|5. Ja'far al-Sadiq|
|6. Isml ibn Ja?far al-Mub?rak||Musa al-Kadhim|
|8. ?Abdall?h ibn Maym?n Al-Qadd|
(?Abadull?h bin Muhammad)
|7. Maym?n Al-Qadd|
(Muhammad ibn Isml)
|9. Takî Muhammad|
(?Ahmad bin ?Abadullâh)
|10. Radî/Zakî ?Abd Allâh|
(Husayn bin ?Ahmad)
|Hamdan Qarmat of Kufa|
|11. Abû Muhammad Ali|
?Ubayd Allâh al-Mahd? bi l-L?h
|Abu Sa'id Hasan|
ibn Bahram al-Jannabi
|Divine call||16. Dâ'î-Â'zam Târiq'ûl-Hâkim|
Ab? ?Al? Manr bi-Amr?Allâh
|Hamza||17. ?Al? az-Z?hir li-A'zaz li Din-illah||Twelvers|
|Al-Muqtana||18. Dâ'î-Â'zam Abû Tamîm|
Ma'add al-Mûstansir bi l-L?h
|Epistles of Wisdom||19. Imâm Abû'l-Qâsim|
|19. Ab? Manr Niz?r|
|Nizari Ismaili state|
|Sulaimani Bohra||Dawoodi Bohra||Assassins||Khojas|
|Hebtiahs Bohra||Atba-î Malak Bohra||Sunni Bohra||Progressive Dawoodi Bohra|
|Alavi Bohra||Jâ'farî Bohra||Patani Bohras||Satpanth|
With the advent of new technologies and ways of communications, the office of Ismaili Imamat has made necessary use of the internet and social media in order to keep Ismailis (referred to as Jamat) across the globe updated about new happenings related to the Imam. On 17 April 2016, the Aga Khan Foundation (AKF) was successfully delegated the .ismaili TLD. Saudi Arabia argued to ICANN for rejection of the .ismaili TLD among 31 other TLDs. The application was rejected by ICANN.
Following the delegation of the .ismaili TLD, the official website of the Ismaili Muslim community was moved from theismaili.org to the.ismaili. The website publishes regular news, event updates, articles and hosts live videos.
The office of Ismaili Imamat maintains an official presence across five social media networks including Facebook, Twitter, Instagram, Snapchat, and YouTube. All of the profiles are verified through relevant official authorities.
The offices of Ismaili imamat in various countries publish a monthly magazine under the name of The Ismaili followed by the country name. For example, The Ismaili Pakistan.
Most Druze do not consider themselves Muslim. Historically they faced much persecution and keep their religious beliefs secrets.
Theologically, one would have to conclude that the Druze are not Muslims. They do not accept the five pillars of Islam. In place of these principles the Druze have instituted the seven precepts noted above..
Druze - An offshoot of Shi'ism; its members are not considered Muslims by orthodox Muslims.
In addition, there are several quasi-Muslim sects, in that, although they follow many of the beliefs and practices of orthodox Islam, the majority of Sunnis consider them heretical. These would be the Ahmadiyya, Druze, Ibadi, and the Yazidis.
As Druze is a nonritualistic religion without requirements to pray, fast, make pilgrimages, or observe days of rest, the Druze are not considered an Islamic people by Sunni Muslims.
Therefore, many of these scholars follow Ibn Taymiyya'sfatwa from the beginning of the fourteenth century that declared the Druzes and the Alawis as heretics outside Islam ...
Subsequently, Muslim opponents of the Druzes have often relied on Ibn Taymiyya's religious ruling to justify their attitudes and actions against Druzes...