V2 Word Order
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V2 Word Order

In syntax, verb-second (V2) word order places the finite verb of a clause or sentence in second position with a single constituent preceding it, which functions as the clause topic.[1]

V2 word order is common in the Germanic languages and is also found in Northeast Caucasian Ingush, Uto-Aztecan O'odham, and fragmentarily in Rhaeto-Romansh Sursilvan and Finno-Ugric Estonian. [2] Of the Germanic family, English is exceptional in having predominantly SVO order instead of V2, although there are vestiges of the V2 phenomenon.

Most Germanic languages do not normally use V2 order in embedded clauses, with a few exceptions. In particular, German, Dutch, and Afrikaans revert to VF (verb final) word order after a complementizer; Yiddish and Icelandic do, however, allow V2 in all declarative clauses: main, embedded, and subordinate. Kashmiri (an Indo-Aryan language) has V2 in 'declarative content clauses' but VF order in relative clauses.

Examples of verb second (V2)

The example sentences in (1) from German illustrate the V2 principle, which allows any constituent to occupy the first position as long as the second position is occupied by the finite verb. Sentences (1a) through to (1d) have the finite verb spielten 'played' in second position, with various constituents occupying the first position: in (1a) the subject is in first position; in (1b) the object is; in (1c) the temporal modifier is in first position; and in (1d) the locative modifier is in first position. Sentences (1e) and (1f) are ungrammatical because the finite verb no longer appears in the second position. (An asterisk (*) indicates that an example is grammatically unacceptable.)

  (1)     (a) Die kinder       spielten      vor der schule   im park          fußball.
              The children     played        before  school   in the park      Soccer

          (b) Fußball          spielten      die kinder       vor der Schule   im Park.
              Soccer           played        the children     before school    in the park

          (c) Vor der Schule   spielten      die kinder       im park          fußball.
              Before school    played        the children     in the park      soccer.

          (d) Im park          spielten      die kinder       vor der schule   fußball.
              In the park      played        the children     before school    soccer.

          (e) *Vor der schule  fußball       spielten         die kinder       im park.
               Before school   soccer        played           the children     in the park

          (f) *Fußball         die kinder    spielten         vor der schule   im park.
               Soccer          the children  played           before school    in the park.

Classical Accounts of Verb Second (V2)

In major theoretical research on V2 properties, researchers discussed that verb-final orders found in German and Dutch embedded clauses suggest that there is an underlying SOV order with specific syntactic movements rules that changes the underlying SOV order to derive a surface form where the finite verb is in the second position of the clause.[3]

We first see a "verb preposing' rule which moves the finite verb to the left most position in sentence, then a "constituent preposing" rule which moves a constituent in front of the finite verb. Following these two rules will always result with the finite verb in second position.

"I like the man"

          (a) Ich  den  Mann  mag          --> Underlying from in Modern German
              I    the  man   like

          (b) mag   ich  den  Mann         --> Verb movement to left edge
              like  I    the  man

          (c) den  Mann  mag   ich          --> Constituent moved to left edge
              the  man   like  I 

Non-finite verbs and embedded clauses

Non-finite verbs

The V2 principle regulates the position of finite verbs only; its influence on non-finite verbs (infinitives, participles, etc.) is indirect. Non-finite verbs in V2 languages appear in varying positions depending on the language. In German and Dutch, for instance, non-finite verbs appear after the object (if one is present) in clause final position in main clauses (OV order). Swedish and Icelandic, in contrast, position non-finite verbs after the finite verb but before the object (if one is present) (VO order). That is, V2 operates on only the finite verb.

V2 in Embedded clauses

(In the following examples, finite verb forms are in bold, non-finite verb forms are in italics and subjects are underlined.)

Germanic languages vary in the application of V2 order in embedded clauses. They fall into three groups.

V2 in Swedish, Danish, Norwegian, Faroese

In these languages, the word order of clauses is generally fixed in two patterns of conventionally numbered positions.[4] Both end with positions for (5) non-finite verb forms, (6) objects, and (7), adverbials.

In main clauses, the V2 constraint holds. The finite verb must be in position (2) and sentence adverbs in position (4). The latter include words with meanings such as 'not' and 'always'. The subject may be position (1), but when a topical expression occupies the position, the subject is in position (3).

In embedded clauses, the V2 constraint is absent. After the conjunction, the subject must immediately follow; it cannot be replaced by a topical expression. Thus, the first four positions are in the fixed order (1) conjunction, (2) subject, (3) sentence adverb, (4) finite verb

The position of the sentence adverbs is important to those theorists who see them as marking the start of a large constituent within the clause. Thus the finite verb is seen as inside that constituent in embedded clauses, but outside that constituent in V2 main clauses.

Swedish

main clause
embedded clause
Front
--
Finite verb
Conjunction
Subject
Subject
Sentence adverb
Sentence adverb
--
Finite verb
Non-finite verb
Non-finite verb
Object
Object
Adverbial
Adverbial
main clause a. I dag ville Lotte inte läsa tidningen
1 2 3 4 5 6
today wanted Lotte not read the newspaper ...
'Lotte didn't want to read the paper today.'
embedded clause b. att Lotte inte ville koka kaffe i dag
1 2 3 4 5 6 7
that Lotte not wanted brew coffee today ...
'that Lotte didn't want to make coffee today'
Main clause           Front    Finite verb    Subject    Sentence adverb    __            Non-finite verb     Object           Adverbial
Embedded clause       __       Conjunction    Subject    Sentence adverb    Finite verb   Non-finite verb     Object           Adverbial

Main clause      (a)  I dag    ville          Lotte      inte                             läsa                tidningen
                      today    wanted         Lotte      not                              read                the newspaper
                      "Lotte didn't want to read the paper today."


Embedded clause  (b)           att            Lotte      inte               ville         koka                kaffe             i dag
                               that           Lotte      not                wanted        brew                coffee            today
                      "that Lotte didn't want to make coffee today."

Danish

main clause
embedded clause
Front
--
Finite verb
Conjunction
Subject
Subject
Sentence adverb
Sentence adverb
--
Finite verb
Non-finite verb
Non-finite verb
Object
Object
Adverbial
Adverbial
main clause a. Klaus er ikke kommet
1 2 4 5
Klaus is not come
...'Klaus hasn't come.'
embedded clause b. når Klaus ikke er kommet
1 2 3 4 5
when Klaus not is come
...'when Klaus hasn't come'

So-called Perkerdansk is an example of a variety that does not follow the above.

Norwegian
(with multiple adverbials and multiple non-finite forms, in two varieties of the language)

main
embedded
Front
--
Finite verb
Conjunction
Subject
Subject
Sentence adverb
Sentence adverb
--
Finite verb
Non-finite verb
Non-finite verb
Object
Object
Adverbial
Adverbial
main clause a. Den gangen hadde han dessverre ikke villet sende sakspapirene før møtet. (Bokmål variety)
1 2 3 4 5 6 7
that time had he unfortunately not wanted to send the documents before the meeting ...
'This time he had unfortunately not wanted
to send the documents before the meeting.'
embedded clause b. av di han denne gongen diverre ikkje hadde vilja senda sakspapira føre møtet. (Nynorsk variety)
1 2 3 4 5 6 7
because he this time unfortunately not had wanted to send the documents before the meeting ...
'because this time he had unfortunately not wanted
to send the documents before the meeting.'

Faroese
Unlike continental Scandinavian languages, the sentence adverb may either precede or follow the finite verb in embedded clauses. A (3a) slot is inserted here for the following sentence adverb alternative.

main clause
embedded clause
Front
--
Finite verb
Conjunction
Subject
Subject
Sentence adverb
Sentence adverb
--
Finite verb
--
Sentence adverb
Non-finite verb
Non-finite verb
Object
Object
Adverbial
Adverbial
main clause a. Her man fólk ongantíð hava fingið fisk fyrr
1 2 3 4 5 6 7
here must people never have caught fish before ...
'People have surely never caught fish here before.'
embedded clause b. hóast fólk ongantíð hevur fingið fisk her
1 2 3 4 5 6 7
although people never have caught fish here
c. hóast fólk hevur ongantíð fingið fisk her
1 2 4 (3a) 5 6 7
although people have never caught fish here ...
'although people have never caught fish here'

V2 in German

In main clauses, the V2 constraint holds. As with other Germanic languages, the finite verb must be in the second position. However, any non-finite forms must be in final position. The subject may be in the first position, but when a topical expression occupies the position, the subject follows the finite verb.

In embedded clauses, the V2 constraint does not hold. The finite verb form must be adjacent to any non-finite at the end of the clause.

German grammarians traditionally divide sentences into fields. Subordinate clauses preceding the main clause are said to be in the first field (Vorfeld), clauses following the main clause in the final field (Nachfeld).
The central field (Mittelfeld ) contains most or all of a clause, and is bounded by left bracket (Linke Satzklammer) and right bracket (Rechte Satzklammer) positions.

In main clauses, the initial element (subject or topical expression) is said to be located in the first field, the V2 finite verb form in the left bracket, and any non-finite verb forms in the right bracket.
In embedded clauses, the conjunction is said to be located in the left bracket, and the verb forms in the right bracket. In German embedded clauses, a finite verb form follows any non-finite forms.

German[5]

First field Left bracket Central field Right bracket Final field
Main clause a. Er hat dich gestern nicht angerufen weil er dich nicht stören wollte.
he has you yesterday not rung
... 'He didn't ring you yesterday because he didn't want to disturb you.'
b. Sobald er Zeit hat wird er dich anrufen
As soon as he has time will he you ring
...'When he has time he will ring you.'
Embedded clause c. dass er dich gestern nicht angerufen hat
that he you yesterday not rung has
...'that he didn't ring you yesterday'

V2 in Dutch and Afrikaans

V2 word order is used in main clauses, the finite verb must be in the second position. However, in subordinate clauses two word orders are possible for the verb clusters.

Main clauses:

Dutch[6]

First field Left bracket Central field Right bracket Final field
Main clause a. Tasman heeft Nieuw-Zeeland ontdekt
Tasman has New Zealand discovered
...'Tasman discovered New Zealand.'
b. In 1642 ontdekte Tasman Nieuw-Zeeland
In 1642 discovered Tasman New Zealand
...'In 1642 Tasman discovered New Zealand.'
c. Niemand had gedacht dat ook maar iets zou gebeuren.
Nobody had thought
...'Nobody figured that anything would happen.'
Embedded clause d. dat Tasman Nieuw-Zeeland heeft ontdekt
that Tasman New Zealand has discovered
...'that Tasman discovered New Zealand'

This analysis suggests a close parallel between the V2 finite form in main clauses and the conjunctions in embedded clauses. Each is seen as an introduction to its clause-type, a function which some modern scholars have equated with the notion of specifier. The analysis is supported in spoken Dutch by the placement of clitic pronoun subjects. Forms such as ie cannot stand alone, unlike the full-form equivalent hij. The words to which they may be attached are those same introduction words: the V2 form in a main clause, or the conjunction in an embedded clause.[7]

First field Left bracket Central field Right bracket Final field
Main clause e. In 1642 ontdekte-n-ie Nieuw-Zeeland
In 1642 discovered-(euphonic n)-he New Zealand
...'In 1642 he discovered New Zealand.'
Embedded clause f. dat-ie in 1642 Nieuw-Zeeland heeft ontdekt
that-he in 1642 New Zealand has discovered
...'that he discovered New Zealand in 1642'

Subordinate clauses:

In Dutch subordinate clauses two word orders are possible for the verb clusters and are referred to as the "red": omdat ik heb gewerkt, "because I have worked": like in English, where the auxiliary verb precedes the past particle, and the "green": omdat ik gewerkt heb, where the past particle precedes the auxiliary verb, "because I worked have": like in German.[8] In Dutch, the green word order is the most used in speech, and the red is the most used in writing, particularly in journalistic texts, but the green is also used in writing as is the red in speech. Unlike in English however adjectives and adverbs must precede the verb: ''dat het boek groen is'', "that the book green is".

First field Left bracket Central field Right bracket Final field
Embedded clause g. omdat ik het dan gezien zou hebben most common in the Netherlands
because I it then seen would have
h. omdat ik het dan zou gezien hebben most common in Belgium
because I it then would seen have
i. omdat ik het dan zou hebben gezien often used in writing in both countries, but common in speech as well, most common in Limburg
because I it then would have seen
j. omdat ik het dan gezien hebben zou used in Friesland, Groningen and Drenthe, least common but used as well
because I it then seen have would
...'because then I would have seen it'

V2 in Icelandic and Yiddish

These languages freely allow V2 order in embedded clauses.

Icelandic
Two word-order patterns are largely similar to continental Scandinavian. However, in main clauses an extra slot is needed for when the front position is occupied by Það. In these clauses the subject follows any sentence adverbs. In embedded clauses, sentence adverbs follow the finite verb (an optional order in Faroese).[9]

main clause
embedded clause
Front
--
Finite verb
Conjunction
Subject
Subject
--
Finite verb
Sentence adverb
Sentence adverb
Subject
--
Non-finite verb
Non-finite verb
Object
Object
Adverbial
Adverbial
main clause a. Margir höfðu aldrei lokið verkefninu.
Many had never finished the assignment ... 'Many had never finished the assignment.'
b. Það höfðu aldrei margir lokið verkefninu.
there have never many finished the assignment ... 'There were never many people who had finished the assignment.'
c. Bókina hefur María ekki lesið.
the book has Mary not read ... 'Mary hasn't read the book.'
embedded clause d. hvort María hefur ekki lesið bokina.
whether Mary has not read the book ... 'whether Mary hasn't read the book'

In more radical contrast with other Germanic languages, a third pattern exists for embedded clauses with the conjunction followed by the V2 order: front-finite verb-subject.[10]

Conjunction Front
(Topic adverbial)
Finite verb Subject
e. Jón efast um að á morgun fari María snemma á fætur.
John doubts that tomorrow get Mary early up ... 'John doubts that Mary will get up early tomorrow.'
Conjunction Front
(Object)
Finite verb Subject
f. Jón harmar þessa bók skuli ég hafa lesið.
John regrets that this book shall I have read ... 'John regrets that I have read this book.'

Yiddish
Unlike Standard German, Yiddish normally has verb forms before Objects (SVO order), and in embedded clauses has conjunction followed by V2 order.[11]

Front
(Subject)
Finite verb Conjunction Front
(Subject)
Finite verb
a. ikh hob gezen mitvokh, az ikh vel nit kenen kumen donershtik
I have seen Wednesday that I will not can come Thursday ... 'I saw on Wednesday that I wouldn't be able to come on Thursday.'
Front
(Adverbial)
Finite verb Subject Conjunction Front
(Adverbial)
Finite verb Subject
b. mitvokh hob ikh gezen, az donershtik vel ikh nit kenen kumen
Wednesday have I seen that Thursday will I not can come ... On Wednesday I saw that on Thursday I wouldn't be able to come.'

V2 in Root clauses

One type of embedded clause with V2 following the conjunction is found throughout the Germanic languages, although it is more common in some than it is others. These are termed root clauses. They are declarative content clauses, the direct objects of so-called bridge verbs, which are understood to quote a statement. For that reason, they exhibit the V2 word order of the equivalent direct quotation.

Danish
Items other than the subject are allowed to appear in front position.

Conjunction Front
(Subject)
Finite verb
a. Vi ved at Bo ikke har læst denne bog
We know that Bo not has read this book ... 'We know that Bo has not read this book.'
Conjunction Front
(Object)
Finite verb Subject
b. Vi ved at denne bog har Bo ikke læst
We know that this book has Bo not read ... 'We know that Bo has not read this book.'

Swedish
Items other than the subject are occasionally allowed to appear in front position. Generally, the statement must be one with which the speaker agrees.

Conjunction Front
(Adverbial)
Finite verb Subject
d. Jag tror att i det fallet har du rätt
I think that in that respect have you right ... 'I think that in that respect you are right.'

This order is not possible with a statement with which the speaker does not agree.

Conjunction Front
(Adverbial)
Finite verb Subject
e. *Jag tror inte att i det fallet har du rätt (The asterisk signals that the sentence is not grammatically acceptable.)
I think not that in that respect have you right ... 'I don't think that in that respect you are right.'

Norwegian

Conjunction Front
(Adverbial)
Finite verb Subject
f. hun fortalte at til fødselsdagen hadde hun fått kunstbok (Bokmål variety)
she told that for her birthday had' she received art-book ... 'She said that for her birthday she had been given a book on art.'

German
Root clause V2 order is possible only when the conjunction dass is omitted.

Conjunction Front
(Subject)
Finite verb
g. *Er behauptet, dass er hat es zur Post gebracht (The asterisk signals that the sentence is not grammatically acceptable.)
h. Er behauptet, er hat es zur Post gebracht
he claims (that) he has it to the post office taken ... 'He claims that he took it to the post office.'

Compare the normal embed-clause order after dass

Left bracket
(Conjunction)
Central field Right bracket
(Verb forms)
i. Er behauptet, dass er es zur Post gebracht hat
he claims that he it to the post office taken has

Perspective effects on embedded V2

There are a limited number of V2 languages that can allow for embedded verb movement for a specific pragmatic effect similar to that of English. This is due to the perspective of the speaker. Languages such as German and Swedish have embedded verb second. The embedded verb second in these kinds of languages usually occur after 'bridge verbs'.[12]

(Bridge verbs are common verbs of speech and thoughts such as "say", "think", and "know", and the word "that" is not needed after these verbs. For example: I think he is coming.)

          (a) Jag ska  säga deg att  jag är  inte ett dugg intresserad.    (Swedish)
              I   will say  you that I   am  not  a   dew  interested.
             "I tell you that I am not the least bit interested."      --> In this sentence, "tell" is the bridge verb and "am" is an embedded verb second.

Based on an assertion theory, the perspective of a speaker is reaffirmed in embedded V2 clauses. A speaker's sense of commitment to or responsibility for V2 in embedded clauses is greater than a non-V2 in embedded clause.[13] This is the result of V2 characteristics. As shown in the examples below, there is a greater commitment to the truth in the embedded clause when V2 is in place.

          (a) Maria denkt, dass Peter glüklich ist.
              Maria thinks that Peter happy    is

              -> In a non-V2 embedded clause, the speaker is only committed to the truth of the statement "Maria thinks..."
          (b) Maria denkt, Peter ist glüklich.
              Maria thinks Peter is  happy.

              -> In a V2 embedded clause, the speaker is committed to the truth of the statement "Maria thinks..." and also the proposition "Peter is happy".

Variations of V2

Variations of V2 order such as V1 (verb-initial word order), V3 and V4 orders are widely attested in many Early Germanic and Medieval Romance languages. These variations are possible in the languages however it is severely restricted to specific contexts.

V1 word order

V1 (verb-initial word order) is a type of structure that contains the finite verb as the initial clause element. In other words the verb appears before the subject and the object of the sentence.

          (a) Max y-il    [s no' tx;i;] [o naq Lwin].    (Mayan) 
              PFV A3-see  CLF dog       CLF Pedro 
              'The dog saw Pedro.' 

V3 word order

V3 (verb-third word order) is a variation of V2 in which the finite verb is in third position with two constituents preceding it. In V3, like in V2 word order, the constituents preceding the finite verb are not categorically restricted, as the constituents can be a DP, a PP, a CP and so on.[14]

          (a) [DP Jedes jahr] [Pn ich]  kauf  mir  bei  deichmann   (German)  
                  every year 	  I     buy   me   at   Deichmann
              "Every yea I buy (shoes) at Deichmann's"

          (b) [PP ab jetz]   [Pn ich]	krieg	immer 	zwanzig   euro     (German)
                 from now 	I	get	always 	twenty 	  euros
              "From now on, I always get twenty euros"

V2 and Left Edge Filling Trigger (LEFT)

V2 is fundamentally derived from a morphological obligatory exponence effect at sentence level. The Left Edge Filling Trigger (LEFT) effects are usually seen in classical V2 languages such as Germanic languages and Old Romance languages. The Left Edge Filling Trigger is independently active in morphology as EPP effects are found in word-internal levels. The obligatory exponence derives from absolute displacement, ergative displacement and ergative doubling in inflectional morphology. In addition, second position rules in clitic second languages demonstrate post-syntactic rules of LEFT movement. Using the language Breton as an example, absence of a pre-tense expletive will allow for the LEFT to occur to avoid tense-first. The LEFT movement is free from syntactic rules which is evidence for a post-syntactic phenomenon. With the LEFT movement, V2 word order can be obtained as seen in the example below.[15]

          (a) Bez  'nevo            hennex  traou        (in Breton)
              EXPL Fin.[will.have]  he      things
              "He will have goods"

In this Breton example, the finite head is phonetically realized and agrees with the category of the preceding element. The pre-tense "Bez" is used in front of the finite verb to obtain the V2 word order. (finite verb "nevo" is bolded). 

Syntactic Verb Second

It is said that V2 patterns are a syntactic phenomenon and therefore have certain environments where it can and cannot be tolerated. Syntactically, V2 requires a left-peripheral head (usually C) with an occupied specifier and paired with raising the highest verb-auxiliary to that head. V2 is usually analyzed as the co-occurrence of these requirements, which can also be referred to as "triggers". The left-peripheral head, which is a requirement that causes the effect of V2, sets further requirements on a phrase XP that occupies the initial position, so that this phrase XP may always have specific featural characteristics. [16]

V2 in English

Modern English differs greatly in word order from other modern Germanic languages, but earlier English shared many similarities. For this reason, some scholars propose a description of Old English with V2 constraint as the norm. The history of English syntax is thus seen as a process of losing the constraint.[17]

Old English

In these examples, finite verb forms are in bold, non-finite verb forms are in italics and subjects are underlined.

Main clauses

Subject first

          a. Se     mæssepreost    sceal    manum     bodian    þone   soþan    geleafan 
             the    masspriest     shall    people    preach    the    true     faith
            'The mass priest shall preach the true faith to the people.'

Question word first

          b. Hwi   wolde   God   swa   lytles   þinges   him   forwyrman
             Why   would   God   so    small    thing    him   deny 
            'Why would God deny him such a small thing?' 

Topic phrase first

          c. on    twam    þingum    hæfde    God    þæs    mannes    sawle    geododod
             in    two     things    has      God    the    man's     soul     endowed
            'With two things God had endowed man's soul.'

þa first

          d. þa    wæs    þæt    folc    þæs    micclan    welan      ungemetlice    brucende
             then  was    the    people  of-the great      prosperity excessively    partaking 
            'Then the people were partaking excessively of the great prosperity.' 

Negative word first

          e. Ne     sceal    he    naht    unaliefedes     don
             not    shall    he    nothing unlawful       do 
            'He shall not do anything unlawful.' 

Object first

          f. Ðas    ðreo    ðing    forgifð    God     he    gecorenum 
             these  three   things  gives      God     his   chosen 
            'These three things God gives to his chosen

Position of object

In examples b, c and d, the object of the clause precedes a non-finite verb form. Superficially, the structure is verb-subject-object- verb. To capture generalities, scholars of syntax and linguistic typology treat them as basically subject-object-verb (SOV) structure, modified by the V2 constraint. Thus Old English is classified, to some extent, as an SOV language. However, example a represents a number of Old English clauses with object following a non-finite verb form, with the superficial structure verb-subject-verb object. A more substantial number of clauses contain a single finite verb form followed by an object, superficially verb-subject-object. Again, a generalisation is captured by describing these as subject-verb-object (SVO) modified by V2. Thus Old English can be described as intermediate between SOV languages (like German and Dutch) and SVO languages (like Swedish and Icelandic).

Effect of subject pronouns

When the subject of a clause was a personal pronoun, V2 did not always operate.

          g. forðon    we    sceolan    mid    ealle    mod    &    mægene    to    Gode    gecyrran 
             therefore we    must       with   all      mind   and  power     to    God     turn 
            'Therefore, we must turn to God with all our mind and power 
However, V2 verb-subject inversion occurred without exception after a question word or the negative ne, and with few exceptions after þa even with pronominal subjects.
          h. for    hwam    noldest    þu    ðe sylfe    me    gecgyðan    þæt...
             for    what    not-wanted you   yourself    me    make-down   that... 
            'wherefore would you not want to make known to me yourself that...'        
          i. Ne    sceal    he    naht    unaliefedes    don 
             not   shall    he    nothing unlawful       do 
            'He shall not do anything unlawful.'
          j. þa    foron    hie    mid    þrim    scipum    ut 
             then  sailed   they   with   three   ships     out 
            'Then they sailed out with three ships.'  

Inversion of a subject pronoun also occurred regularly after a direct quotation.[18]

          k. "Me    is,"    cwæð    h?o    Þ?n    cyme    on    miclum    ðonce"
             to me  is      said    she    your   coming  in    much      thankfulness 
             '"Your coming," she said, "is very gratifying to me".'

Embedded clauses

Embedded clauses with pronoun subjects were not subject to V2. Even with noun subjects, V2 inversion did not occur.

          l. ...þa ða    his    leorningcnichtas    hine    axodon    for    hwæs    synnum    se    man    wurde    swa    blind    acenned 
             ... when    his    disciples           him     asked     for    whose   sins      the   man    became   thus   blind 
            '...when his disciples asked him for whose sins the man was thus born blind'

Yes-No questions

In a similar clause pattern, the finite verb form of a yes-no question occupied the first position

          m. Truwast    ðu    nu    þe    selfum    and    þinum    geferum    bet    þonne    ðam    apostolum...? 
             trust      you   now   you   self      and    your     companions better than     the    apostles
            'Do you now trust yourself and your companions better than the apostles...?' 

Middle English

Continuity

Early Middle English generally preserved V2 structure in clauses with nominal subjects.

Topic phrase first

          a. On    þis    gær    wolde    þe    king    Stephne    tæcen    Rodbert 
             in    this   year   wanted   the   king    Stephen    seize    Robert 
             'During this year King Stephen wanted to seize Robert.'

Nu first

          b. Nu    loke    euerich    man    toward    himseleun 
             now   look    every      man    to        himself 
             'Now it's for every man to look to himself.' 


As in Old English, V2 inversion did not apply to clauses with pronoun subjects.

Topic phrase first

          c. bi    þis    ?e    mahen    seon    ant    witen...
             by    this   you   may      see     and    know 

Object first

          d. alle    ðese    bebodes      ic    habbe    ihealde    fram    childhade 
             all     those   commandments I     have     kept       from    childhood 

Change

Late Middle English texts of the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries show increasing incidence of clauses without the inversion associated with V2.

Topic adverb first

          e. sothely    se    ryghtwyse    sekys    þe    loye    and... 
             Truly      the   righteous    seeks    the   joy     and...

Topic phrase first

          f. And    by    þis    same    skyle    hop    and    sore    shulle    jugen    us 
             And    by    this   same    skill    hope   and    sorrow  shall     judge    us 

Negative clauses were no longer formed with ne (or na) as the first element. Inversion in negative clauses was attributable to other causes.

Wh- question word first

          g. why    ordeyned    God    not    such     ordre
             why    ordained    God    not    such an  order 
             'Why did God not ordain such an order?'  (not follows noun phrase subject)
    
          h. why    shulde    he    not...
             why    should    he    not    (not precedes pronoun subject)

There first

           h. Ther    nys    nat    oon    kan   war    by    other    be 
              there   not-is not    one    can   aware  by    other    be 
             'There is not a single person who learns from the mistakes of others' 

Object first

          h. He    was    despeyred;    no thyng    dorste    he    seye  
             He    was    in despair;   nothing     dared     he    say 

Vestiges in Modern English

As in earlier periods, Modern English normally has subject-verb order in declarative clauses and inverted verb-subject order[19] in interrogative clauses. However these norms are observed irrespective of the number of clause elements preceding the verb.

Classes of verbs in Modern English: auxiliary and lexical

Inversion in Old English sentences with a combination of two verbs could be described in terms of their finite and non-finite forms. The word which participated in inversion was the finite verb; the verb which retained its position relative to the object was the non-finite verb. In most types of Modern English clause, there are two verb forms, but the verbs are considered to belong to different syntactic classes. The verbs which participated in inversion have evolved to form a class of auxiliary verbs which may mark tense, aspect and mood; the remaining majority of verbs with full semantic value are said to constitute the class of lexical verbs. The exceptional type of clause is that of declarative clause with a lexical verb in a present simple or past simple form.

Questions

Like Yes/No questions, interrogative Wh- questions are regularly formed with inversion of subject and auxiliary. Present Simple and Past Simple questions are formed with the auxiliary do, a process known as do-support.

a. Which game is Sam watching?
b. Where does she live?
(see subject-auxiliary inversion in questions)

With topic adverbs and adverbial phrases

In certain patterns similar to Old and Middle English, inversion is possible. However, this is a matter of stylistic choice, unlike the constraint on interrogative clauses.

negative or restrictive adverbial first

c. At no point will he drink Schnapps.
d. No sooner had she arrived than she started to make demands.
(see negative inversion)

comparative adverb or adjective first

e. So keenly did the children miss their parents, they cried themselves to sleep.
f. Such was their sadness, they could never enjoy going out.

After the preceding classes of adverbial, only auxiliary verbs, not lexical verbs, participate in inversion

locative or temporal adverb first

g. Here comes the bus.
h. Now is the hour when we must say goodbye.

prepositional phrase first

i. Behind the goal sat many photographers.
j. Down the road came the person we were waiting for.
(see locative inversion, directive inversion)

After the two latter types of adverbial, only one-word lexical verb forms (Present Simple or Past Simple), not auxiliary verbs, participate in inversion, and only with noun-phrase subjects, not pronominal subjects.

Direct quotations

When the object of a verb is a verbatim quotation, it may precede the verb, with a result similar to Old English V2. Such clauses are found in storytelling and in news reports.

k. "Wolf! Wolf!" cried the boy.
l. "The unrest is spreading throughout the country," writes our Jakarta correspondent.
(see quotative inversion)

Declarative clauses without inversion

Corresponding to the above examples, the following clauses show the normal Modern English subject-verb order.

Declarative equivalents

a?. Sam is watching the Cup games.
b?. She lives in the country.

Equivalents without topic fronting

c?. He will at no point drink Schnapps.
d?. She had no sooner arrived than she started to make demands.
e?. The children missed their parents so keenly that they cried themselves to sleep.
g?. The bus is coming here.
h?. The hour when we must say goodbye is now.
i?. Many photographers sat behind the goal.
j?. The person we were waiting for came down the road.
k?. The boy cried "Wolf! Wolf!"
l?. Our Jakarta correspondent writes, "The unrest is spreading throughout the country" .

French

Modern French is a Subject-Verb-Object (SVO) language like other Romance languages (though Latin was a Subject-Object-Verb language). However, V2 constructions existed in Old French and were more common than in other early Romance language texts. It has been suggested that this may be due to influence from the Germanic Frankish language.[20] Modern French has vestiges of the V2 system similar to those found in modern English.

The following sentences have been identified as possible examples of V2 syntax in Old French:[21]

a. Old French Longetemps fu ly roys Elinas en la montaigne
Modern French Longtemps fut le roi Elinas dans la montagne .... 'Pendant longtemps le roi Elinas a été dans les montagnes.'
English For a long time was the king Elinas in the mountain ... 'King Elinas was in the mountains for a long time.'
b. Old French Iteuses paroles distrent li frere de Lancelot
Modern French Telles paroles dirent les frères de Lancelot .... 'Les frères de Lancelot ont dit ces paroles'
English Such words uttered the brothers of Lancelot .... 'Lancelot's brothers spoke these words.'
c. Old French Atant regarda contreval la mer
Modern French Alors regarda en bas la mer .... 'Alors Il a regardé la mer plus bas.'
English Then looked at downward the sea .... 'Then he looked down at the sea.' (Elision of subject pronoun, contrary to the general rule in other Old French clause structures.)

Old French

Similarly to Modern French, Old French allows a range of constituents to precede the finite verb in the V2 position.

         (1) Il  oste        ses armes 
             He  removes.3sg his weapons 
             'He removes     his weapons'

Old Occitan

A language that is compared to Old French is Old Occitan, which is said to be the sister of Old French. Although the two languages are thought to be sister languages, Old Occitan exhibits a relaxed V2 whereas Old French has a much more strict V2. However, the differences between the two languages extend past V2 and also differ in a variation of V2, which is V3. In both language varieties, occurrence of V3 can be triggered by the presence of an initial frame-setting clause or adverbial (1).

         (1) Car    s'il ne me       garde de pres,     je ne dout mie 
             For    if-he NEG me.CL= look.3SG of close I NEG doubt.1SG NEG
             'Since he watches me so closely,           I do not doubt'

Other languages

Kotgarhi and Kochi

In his 1976 three-volume study of two languages of Himachal Pradesh, Hendriksen reports on two intermediate cases: Kotgarhi and Kochi. Although neither language shows a regular V-2 pattern, they have evolved to the point that main and subordinate clauses differ in word order and auxiliaries may separate from other parts of the verb:

          (a) hyunda-baassie   jaa    gõrmi   hõ-i                 (in Kotgarhi)
              winter-after     goes   summer  become-Gerund
              "After winter comes summer."                         (Hendriksen III:186)

Hendriksen reports that relative clauses in Kochi show a greater tendency to have the finite verbal element in clause-final position than matrix clauses do (III:188).

Ingush

In Ingush, "for main clauses, other than episode-initial and other all-new ones, verb-second order is most common. The verb, or the finite part of a compound verb or analytic tense form (i.e. the light verb or the auxiliary), follows the first word or phrase in the clause."[22]

          (a) muusaa   vy      hwuona    telefon    jettazh
              Musa     V.PROG  2sg.DAT   telephone  striking
              'Musa is telephoning you.'

O'odham

O'odham has relatively free V2 word order within clauses; for example, all of the following sentences mean "the boy brands the pig":[23]

          ceoj 'o g ko:j? ceposid
          ko:j? 'o g ceoj ceposid
          ceoj 'o ceposid g ko:j?
          ko:j? 'o ceposid g ceoj
          ceposid 'o g ceoj g ko:j?
          ceposid 'o g ko:j? g ceoj               The finite verb is "'o" which appears after a constituent, in second position

Despite the general freedom of sentence word order, O'odham is fairly strictly verb-second in its placement of the auxiliary verb (in the above sentences, it is 'o; in the following it is 'añ):

          Affirmative: cipkan 'añ = "I am working"
          Negative: pi 'añ cipkan = "I am not working" [not *pi cipkan 'añ]

Sursilvan

Among dialects of the Romansh, V2 word order is limited to Sursilvan, the insertion of entire phrases between auxiliary verbs and participles occurs, as in 'Cun Mariano Tschuor ha Augustin Beeli discurriu ' ('Mariano Tschuor has spoken with Augustin Beeli'), as compared to Engadinese 'Cun Rudolf Gasser ha discurrü Gion Peider Mischol' ('Rudolf Gasser has spoken with Gion Peider Mischol'.)[24]

The constituent that is bounded by the auxiliary, ha, and the participle, discurriu, is known as a Satzklammer or 'verbal bracket'.

Estonian

In Estonian, V2 word order is very frequent in the literate register, but less frequent in the spoken register. When V2 order does occur, it is found in main clauses, as illustrated in (1).

         (1) Kiiresti lahku-s-id    õpilase-d      koolimaja-st. 
             quickly  leave-PST-3PL student-NOM.PL schoolhouse-ELA  
             'The students departed quickly from the schoolhouse.'

Unlike Germanic V2 languages, Estonian has several instances where V2 word order is not attested in embedded clauses, such as wh-interrogatives (2), exclamatives (3), and non-subject-initial clauses (4). [25]

         (2) Kes      mei-le täna  külla          tule-b? 
             who.NOM. we-ALL today village/visit.ILL come-PRS.3SG 
             'Who will visit us today?' 
         (3) Küll  ta      täna  tule-b.
             PART s/he.NOM today come-PRS.3SG
             'S/he's sure to come today!' 
         (4) Täna  ta       mei-le külla             ei  tule. 
             today s/he.NOM we-ALL village/visit.ILL not come 
             'Today s/he won't come to visit us.'

Welsh

In Welsh, V2 word order is found in Middle Welsh, but not in Old and Modern Welsh which only has verb-initial order.[26] Middle Welsh displays three characteristics of V2 grammar:

         (1)	A finite verb in the C-domain
         (2)	The constituent preceding the verb can be any constituent (often driven by pragmatic features). 
         (3)	Only one constituent preceding the verb in subject position

As we can see in the examples of V2 in Welsh below, there is only one constituent preceding the finite verb, but any kind of constituent (such as a noun phrase NP, adverb phrase AP and preposition phrase PP) can occur in this position.

         (a) [DP 'r   guyrda   a]  doethant   y gyt.
the nobles   PRT came together. "The nobles came together" -> This sentence has a constituent with a subject, followed by the verb in second position. (b) [DP deu drws a] welynt yn agoret. two door PRT saw PRED open. "They saw two doors that were open" -> This sentence has a constituent with a object, followed by the verb in second position. (C) [AdvP  yn diannot y] doeth tan o r nef. PRED immediate PRT came fire from the heaven. "They made for the hall" -> This sentence has a constituent that is an adverb phrase, followed by the verb in second position. (d) [PP y r neuad y] kyrchyssant. to the hall PRT went. "They made for the hall" -> This sentence has a constituent that is a preposition phrase, followed by the verb in second position.

Middle Welsh can also exhibit variations of V2 such as cases of V1 (verb-initial word order) and V3 orders. However, these variations are restricted to specific contexts such as in sentences that has impersonal verbs, imperatives, answers or direct responses to questions or commands and idiomatic sayings. It is also possible to have a preverbal particle preceding the verb in V2, however these kind of sentences are limited as well.

Wymysorys

Wymysory is classified as a West-Germanic language, however it can exhibit various Slavonic characteristics. It is argued that Wymysorys enables its speaker to operate between two word order system that represent two forces driving the grammar of this language Germanic and Slavonic. The Germanic system is not as flexible and allows for V2 order to exist in it form while the Slavonic system is relatively free. Due to the rigid word order in the Germanic system, the placement of the verb is determines by syntactic rules in which V2 word order is commonly respected. [27]

Wymysory, like with other languages that exhibit V2 word order, the finite verb is in second position with a constituent of any category preceding the verb such as DP, PP, AP and so on.

          (a) [DP Der klop ] kuzt    wymyioerys.
                 The man    speaks   Wymysorys.
              "The man speaks Wymysorys"                  

              -> This sentence has a constituent with a subject, followed by the verb in second position.

          (b) [DP Dos bih?a] hot  yh gy?rejwa. 
                 This book   had  I  written.
               "I had written that book"                  

              -> This sentence has a constituent with an object, followed by the verb in second position. 

          (c) [PP Fjyr ejn ]  ej  do.
                  For him     is this.
              "This is for him"                           

              -> This sentence has a preposition phrase, followed by the verb in second position.

Classical Portuguese

Compared to other Romance languages, the V2 word order has existed in Classical Portuguese a lot longer. Although Classical Portuguese is a V2 language, V1 occurred more frequently and as a result of this, it is argued whether or not Classical Portuguese really is a V2-like language. However, Classical Portuguese is a relaxed V2 language, meaning V2 patterns coexist with its variations, which are V1 and/or V3. In the case of Classical Portuguese, there is a strong relationship between V1 and V2 due to V2 clauses being derived from V1 clauses. In languages, such as Classical Portuguese, where both V1 and V2 exist, both patterns depend on the movement of the verb to a high position of the CP layer, with the difference being whether or not a phrase is moved to a preverbal position. [28]

Although V1 occurred more frequently in Classical Portuguese, V2 is the more frequent order found in matrix clauses. Post-verbal subjects may also occupy a high position in the clause and can precede VP adverbs. In (1) and (2), we can see that the adverb 'bem' can precede or proceed the post-verbal subject.

         (1) E   nos    gasalhados e   abraços   mostraram os   cardeais legados 
             and in-the welcome    and greetings showed    the cardinals delegates 
             bem este contentamento; 
             'In the welcome and greetings the cardinal delegates showed this satisfaction well.' 
         (2) E   quadra-Ihe    bem  o  nome  de Piemonte... 
             and fits CL.3.DAT well the name of Piemonte 
             'And the name of Piemonte fits it well...'

In (2), the post-verbal subject is understood as an informational focus, but the same cannot be said for (1) because the difference of the positions determine how the subject is interpreted.


Structural analysis of V2

Various structural analyses of V2 have been developed, including within the model of dependency grammar and generative grammar.

Structural analysis in dependency grammar

Dependency grammar (DG) can accommodate the V2 phenomenon simply by stipulating that one and only one constituent can be a predependent of the finite verb (i.e. a dependent which precedes its head) in declarative (matrix) clauses (in this, Dependency Grammar assumes only one clausal level and one position of the verb, instead of a distinction between a VP-internal and a higher clausal position of the verb as in Generative Grammar, cf. the next section).[29] On this account, the V2 principle is violated if the finite verb has more than one predependent or no predependent at all. The following DG structures of the first four German sentences above illustrate the analysis (the sentence means 'The kids play soccer in the park before school'):

V2 trees 2

The finite verb spielen is the root of all clause structure. The V2 principle requires that this root have a single predependent, which it does in each of the four sentences.

The four English sentences above involving the V2 phenomenon receive the following analyses:

V2 trees 2

Structural analysis in generative grammar

In the theory of Generative Grammar, the verb second phenomenon has been described as an application of X-bar theory. The combination of a first position for a phrase and a second position for a single verb has been identified as the combination of specifier and head of a phrase. The part after the finite verb is then the complement. While the sentence structure of English is usually analysed in terms of three levels, CP, IP, and VP, in German linguistics the consensus has emerged that there is no IP in German.[30]

Tree structure for the English clause. German does not use an "I" position and has a VP with the verb at the end.

The VP (verb phrase) structure assigns position and functions to the arguments of the verb. Hence, this structure is shaped by the grammatical properties of the V (verb) which heads the structure. The CP (complementizer phrase) structure incorporates the grammatical information which identifies the clause as declarative or interrogative, main or embedded. The structure is shaped by the abstract C (complementiser) which is considered the head of the structure. In embedded clauses the C position accommodates complementizers. In German declarative main clauses, C hosts the finite verb. Thus the V2 structure is analysed as

1 Topic element (specifier of CP)
2 Finite-verb form (C=head of CP) i.e. verb-second
3 Remainder of the clause

In embedded clauses, the C position is occupied by a complementizer. In most Germanic languages (but not in Icelandic or Yiddish), this generally prevents the finite verb from moving to C.

The structure is analysed as
1 Complementizer (C=head of CP)
2 Bulk of clause (VP), including, in German, the subject.
3 Finite verb (V position)

This analysis does not provide a structure for the instances in some language of root clauses after bridge verbs.

Example: Danish Vi ved at denne bog har Bo ikke læst with the object of the embedded clause fronted.
(Literally 'We know that this book has Bo not read')

The solution is to allow verbs such as ved to accept a clause with a second (recursive) CP.[31]

The complementizer occupies C position in the upper CP.
The finite verb moves to the C position in the lower CP.

See also

Notes

  1. ^ For discussions of the V2 principle, see Borsley (1996:220f.), Ouhalla (1994:284ff.), Fromkin et al. (2000:341ff.), Adger (2003:329ff.), Carnie (2007:281f.).
  2. ^ Ehalka, Martin (2006), "The Word Order of Estonian: Implications to Universal Language", Journal of Universal Language, 7: 49-89, doi:10.22425/jul.2006.7.1.49, S2CID 52222499, Corpus ID: 52222499
  3. ^ Woods, Rebecca; Wolf, Sam (2020). "Rethinking Verb Second". Oxford University Press.
  4. ^ The examples are discussed in König and van der Auwera (1994) in the chapters devoted to each language.
  5. ^ These and other examples are discussed in Fagan (2009)
  6. ^ These and other examples are discussed in Zwart (2011)
  7. ^ Zwart (2011) p. 35.
  8. ^ "Colloquium Neerlandicum 16 (2006) · DBNL".
  9. ^ See Thráinsson (2007) p.19.
  10. ^ Examples from Fischer et al (2000) p.112
  11. ^ see König & van der Auwera (1994) p.410
  12. ^ Woods, Rebecca (March 25, 2020), "A different perspective on embedded Verb Second", Rethinking Verb Second, Oxford University Press, pp. 297-322, doi:10.1093/oso/9780198844303.003.0013, ISBN 978-0-19-884430-3, retrieved 2021
  13. ^ Woods, Rebecca (March 25, 2020), "A different perspective on embedded Verb Second", Rethinking Verb Second, Oxford University Press, pp. 297-322, doi:10.1093/oso/9780198844303.003.0013, ISBN 978-0-19-884430-3, retrieved 2021
  14. ^ Walkden, George (February 16, 2017). "Language contact and V3 in Germanic varieties new and old". The Journal of Comparative Germanic Linguistics. 20 (1): 49-81. doi:10.1007/s10828-017-9084-2. ISSN 1383-4924.
  15. ^ Jouitteau, Mélanie (March 25, 2020), "Verb Second and the Left Edge Filling Trigger", Rethinking Verb Second, Oxford University Press, pp. 455-481, doi:10.1093/oso/9780198844303.003.0019, ISBN 978-0-19-884430-3, retrieved 2021
  16. ^ Urk, Coppe van (March 25, 2020), "Verb Second is syntactic", Rethinking Verb Second, Oxford University Press, pp. 623-641, doi:10.1093/oso/9780198844303.003.0026, ISBN 978-0-19-884430-3, retrieved 2021
  17. ^ See Fischer et al. (2000: 114ff.) for discussion of these and other examples from Old English and Middle English.
  18. ^ Harbert (2007) p. 414
  19. ^ Inversion is discussed in Peters (2013)
  20. ^ see Rowlett (2007:4)
  21. ^ see Posner (1996:248)
  22. ^ Nichols, Johanna. (2011). Ingush Grammar. Berkeley: The University of California Press. Pp. 678ff.
  23. ^ Zepeda, Ofelia. (1983). A Tohono O'odham Grammar. Tucson, AZ: The University of Arizona Press.
  24. ^ Liver 2009, pp. 138
  25. ^ Vihman, Virve-Anneli; Walkden, George (2021). "Verb-second in spoken and written Estonian". Glossa: A Journal of General Linguistics. 6 (1). doi:10.5334/gjgl.1404. ISSN 2397-1835.
  26. ^ Meelen, Marieke (March 25, 2020), "Reconstructing the rise of Verb Second in Welsh", Rethinking Verb Second, Oxford University Press, pp. 426-454, doi:10.1093/oso/9780198844303.003.0018, ISBN 978-0-19-884430-3, retrieved 2021
  27. ^ Andrason, Alexander (March 25, 2020), "Verb Second in Wymysorys", Rethinking Verb Second, Oxford University Press, pp. 700-722, doi:10.1093/oso/9780198844303.003.0030, ISBN 978-0-19-884430-3, retrieved 2021
  28. ^ Galves, Charlotte (March 25, 2020), "Relaxed Verb Second in Classical Portuguese", Rethinking Verb Second, Oxford University Press, pp. 368-395, doi:10.1093/oso/9780198844303.003.0016, ISBN 978-0-19-884430-3, retrieved 2021
  29. ^ For an example of a DG analysis of the V2 principle, see Osborne (2005:260). That DG denies the existence of a finite VP constituent is apparent with most any DG representation of sentence structure; finite VP is never shown as a complete subtree (=constituent). See for instance the trees in the essays on DG in Ágel et al. (2003/2006) in this regard. Concerning the strict denial of a finite VP constituent, see especially Tesnière (1959:103-105).
  30. ^ See especially: Hubert Haider, The syntax of German, Cambridge University Press, 2010
  31. ^ Sten Vikner: Sten Vikner: Verb movement and expletive subjects in the Germanic languages. Oxford University Press, 1995.

Literature

  • Adger, D. 2003. Core syntax: A minimalist approach. Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press.
  • Ágel, V., L. Eichinger, H.-W. Eroms, P. Hellwig, H. Heringer, and H. Lobin (eds.) 2003/6. Dependency and valency: An international handbook of contemporary research. Berlin: Walter de Gruyter.
  • Andrason, A. (2020). Verb second in Wymysorys. Oxford University Press.
  • Borsley, R. 1996. Modern phrase structure grammar. Cambridge, MA: Blackwell Publishers.
  • Carnie, A. 2007. Syntax: A generative introduction, 2nd edition. Malden, MA: Blackwell Publishing.
  • Emonds, J. 1976. A transformational approach to English syntax: Root, structure-preserving, and local transformations. New York: Academic Press.
  • Fagan, S. M. B. 2009. German: A linguistic introduction. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press
  • Fischer, O., A. van Kermenade, W. Koopman, and W. van der Wurff. 2000. The Syntax of Early English. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
  • Fromkin, V. et al. 2000. Linguistics: An introduction to linguistic theory. Malden, MA: Blackwell Publishers.
  • Harbert, Wayne. 2007. The Germanic Languages. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
  • Hook, P. E. 1976. Is Kashmiri an SVO Language? Indian Linguistics 37: 133-142.
  • Jouitteau, M. (2020). Verb second and the left edge filling trigger. Oxford University
  • Liver, Ricarda. 2009. Deutsche Einflüsse im Bündnerromanischen. In Elmentaler, Michael (Hrsg.) Deutsch und seine Nachbarn. Peter Lang. ISBN 978-3-631-58885-7
  • König, E. and J. van der Auwera (eds.). 1994. The Germanic Languages. London and New York: Routledge.
  • Liver, Ricarda. 2009. Deutsche Einflüsse im Bündnerromanischen. In Elmentaler, Michael (Hrsg.) Deutsch und seine Nachbarn. Frankfurt am Main: Peter Lang.
  • Meelen, M. (2020). Reconstructing the rise of verb second in welsh. Oxford University Press.
  • Nichols, Johanna. 2011. Ingush Grammar. Berkeley: University of California Press.
  • Osborne T. 2005. Coherence: A dependency grammar analysis. SKY Journal of Linguistics 18, 223-286.
  • Ouhalla, J. 1994. Transformational grammar: From rules to principles and parameters. London: Edward Arnold.
  • Peters, P. 2013. The Cambridge Dictionary of English Grammar. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
  • Posner, R. 1996. The Romance languages. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
  • Rowlett, P. 2007. The Syntax of French. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
  • van Riemsdijk, H. and E. Williams. 1986. Introduction to the theory of grammar. Cambridge, MA: The MIT Press.
  • Tesnière, L. 1959. Éleménts de syntaxe structurale. Paris: Klincksieck.
  • Thráinsson, H. 2007. The Syntax of Icelandic. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
  • Walkden, G. (2017). Language contact and V3 in germanic varieties new and old. The Journal of Comparative Germanic Linguistics, 20(1), 49-81.
  • Woods, R. (2020). A different perspective on embedded verb second. Oxford University Press.
  • Woods, R., Wolfe, s., & UPSO eCollections. (2020). Rethinking verb second (First ed.). Oxford University Press.
  • Zwart, J-W. 2011. The Syntax of Dutch. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

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